The apple party is oppositional or ruling. State building, country governance and civil society. Why the Liberal Democratic Party is not an opposition party

As soon as the audience or TV cameras appear, an electric spark seems to run through Zhirinovsky's body, and he “turns on”. Photo from the site www.ldpr.ru

Vladimir Zhirinovsky said that the idea to create the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS) came to him after during the years of perestroika he was for some time a member of the semi-underground Democratic Union headed by the frantic Valeria Novodvorskaya. The revolutionary fuse of Novodvorskaya and her readiness to clash with the riot police, to wander around prisons, camps and mental hospitals did not like the life-loving Zhirinovsky, and he, together with several comrades, now forgotten by everyone, established the LDPSS on December 13, 1989. According to Zhirinovsky, he personally invented the name of the party, and at the same time wrote its program of 12 points. On April 12, 1991, this party was registered by the USSR Ministry of Justice, thus becoming the first officially authorized opposition party in the Soviet Union. The process has begun ...

The Central Committee of the CPSU and the KGB of the USSR as the fathers of Russian liberal democracy

Nevertheless, a former member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Alexander Yakovlev, recalled that the creation of the LDPSS was the fruit of the joint work of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the KGB of the USSR. The name of this party was invented by the first deputy chairman of the KGB, General Philip Bobkov, and the Administrative Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU allocated 3 million rubles for the project, which were transferred to Zhirinovsky's associate, Andrei Zavidia.

Philip Bobkov himself, however, denied his participation in the creation of the LDPSS and claimed that this pseudo-party was created on the initiative of the Central Committee of the CPSU "in line with Zubatov's ideas"; he himself considered this venture an unacceptable provocation.

Any culture, including political culture, requires continuity. When for 70 years the very idea of ​​a multi-party system in the USSR was tightly “concreted”, it is not surprising that it nevertheless made its way to the surface in such a bizarre form.

If not a director, then a president

On June 12, 1991, the first democratic presidential elections in the RSFSR took place. Vladimir Zhirinovsky took third place on them, receiving 7.81% of the votes. This result was striking for a number of reasons.

First, the LDPSS was, as they would say now, a virtual party. As the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation later established, it actually consisted of only 146 individuals.

Secondly, Vladimir Zhirinovsky did not have significant material resources. According to some reports, the 3 million rubles allocated for the LDPSS by the Administrative Department of the CPSU Central Committee did not reach its leader.

Thirdly, the previous experience of Zhirinovsky's participation in election campaigns was unsuccessful: at the end of 1989 he put forward his candidacy for the People's Deputies of the RSFSR and for the post of director of the Mir publishing house, and in both cases he failed.

Fourthly, ill-wishers claimed that when asked about nationality, Vladimir Zhirinovsky replied: "Mom is Russian, dad is a lawyer." Zhirinovsky himself, however, denied this. This does not prevent the LDPR leader from periodically making very unflattering statements about Jews. For example, in his novel Ivan, Smell Your Soul, he writes: “Jews always have money. They always understand that they need to live with a margin. A Jew will not give up his last shirt, like you, Vanya. He would rather buy another suit, buy gold, open an account in different banks, in different countries because he has an instinct for self-preservation. "

Zhirinovsky's book "The Last Blow to Russia" states that the Council of People's Commissars, which decided on the "Red Terror", consisted of 17 Jews, 2 Russians, 1 Armenian and 1 Georgian. For what purpose Vladimir Volfovich reproduced this long-exposed anti-Semitic fake is completely incomprehensible. However, in comparison with this book, the recent statements of the deputies Pyotr Tolstoy and Vitaly Milonov are just cute jokes.

Forerunner of the "post-truth" era

However, the following factors played in favor of Zhirinovsky.

First, the element of novelty. Unlike other candidates for the post of President of the RSFSR, Zhirinovsky not only did not hold leading positions in the CPSU, but was not a member of this party either. In this regard, he favorably differed from many of yesterday's communists, who instantly turned into liberals and democrats.

Secondly, Zhirinovsky is a truly outstanding political speaker. On the podium, he is like a provincial actor, "tearing out passions." I somehow happened to listen to him in the small hall of the State Duma, where he spoke to young LDPR activists. He put so much energy and passion into this ordinary event, as if his further political destiny depended on him.

Zhirinovsky, a political actor, needs spectators. When there are no spectators, he is calm and reasonable enough, but at the same time, he is deprived of his sparkling incendiary. But as soon as the audience appears or the TV camera turns on, an electric spark seems to run through his body, and he “turns on”. But if an actor plays on stage for a maximum of three hours - and even then not every evening, Zhirinovsky acts daily. It remains only to admire his indomitable energy. Another thing is that you will not envy those who periodically become a victim of his "lightning discharges". In the State Duma, I had to watch an ugly scene when Zhirinovsky literally attacked the pregnant journalist Stella Dubovitskaya, who asked him a completely innocent question. In the old days, men - witnesses of such lewdness - would have immediately demanded an apology from the LDPR leader, and if they refused to bring them, they would have challenged him to a duel. But now times are different. In addition, Zhirinovsky is constantly surrounded by hefty guards.

Law enforcement agencies do not react to his antics either. For example, to the statement made during one of the TV programs about the terrorist attacks in Brussels: “Terrorist attacks are now going on in Europe and will continue. And it is beneficial to us. Let them die and perish there. " But the Criminal Code contains an article that provides for serious responsibility for publicly justifying terrorism.

The insults that Zhirinovsky showered on his fellow parliamentarians are beyond imagination. Here is, perhaps, the most decorous: “Or this woman Mizulina has crept into the Duma. Damn wears it too! They are all kind of dissatisfied. Not a single husband has - that is why they are tormented. At least one lover for each, even three or four lovers - and they would not be there, in the State Duma. "

Zhirinovsky's biographer Vladimir Kartsev claims that Zhirinovsky specially studied the art of influencing the audience, in particular, from the famous "psychotherapist" Anatoly Kashpirovsky. At one time, lovers of scandals like the writer Eduard Limonov, journalist Yaroslav Mogutin, deputies Vyacheslav Marychev, Alexander Vengerovsky, Alexei Mitrofanov "clung" to Zhirinovsky, but all of them eventually left him after acute conflicts. Famous actors are generally extremely jealous of rivals.

Thirdly, Zhirinovsky was somewhat ahead of his time, anticipating what is today called the "era of post-truth." If other politicians tried to present the voters with a more or less ideologically consistent program, Zhirinovsky said exactly what effectively influenced a specific audience in this moment without caring at all whether his words are consistent with real facts and his own previous speeches.

Some of the statements of this doctor of philosophical sciences, which he does not hesitate to include in his collections of works, are generally devoid of any logic. For example, he writes: “These Radishchevs, Chekhovs, Volcheks, all these theatergoers who have long been thrown into the trash heap. Nobody would have noticed. They sit, stage performances for themselves. This is what it is, the Russian intelligentsia. She would only have fun, pornography and casinos. "

The only thing left to do is to object to this tirade with the words of Ivan Bezdomny: “I must admit that among the intelligentsia there are also extremely smart ones. This cannot be denied. "

A number of Zhirinovsky's statements can be said in the words of another Bulgakov's character - Woland: "Lies from the first to the last word." For example, a book with the pretentious title "Political Classics of Vladimir Zhirinovsky" states: "Yuri Afanasyev, the former leader of an interregional parliamentary group, who made a significant contribution to the collapse of the USSR and proposed to divide Russia, is the grandson of Leon Trotsky-Bronstein." Do I need to prove that Yuri Afanasyev did not belong to Leon Trotsky in any way?

In general, the books, the author of which is listed as Zhirinovsky, are full of historical fakes like the "instructions of the NKVD" prohibiting the admission to this department of persons with signs of "degeneration", first of all, "an abnormally small size of the penis." Zhirinovsky generally pays a lot of attention to exposing the physical defects of his opponents, obviously considering himself the standard of beauty and sexual attractiveness.

"Russia, you've gone crazy!"

But back to the formation of the Liberal Democratic Party. During the August 1991 coup, Zhirinovsky supported the Emergency Committee and thus caused trouble. On August 10, 1992, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation canceled the registration of the LDPSS, but the LDPR immediately appeared in its place.

Meanwhile, democratic ideals and values ​​in Russian society faded quickly. Under the influence of the disintegration of the state, enormous social stratification, all-encompassing fraud, elevated to the principle of state policy, society fell into a state of deep demoralization and disorientation. The LDPR leader skillfully used these factors for his own purposes. The slogans of his campaign in the 1993 State Duma elections were simple and unpretentious: "I will defend the Russians!" "Pensioners need attention!", "Officers, I will help you!"

Exhausted by the reforms, the townsfolk did not even try to understand how the leader of the LDPR would do all this. It was important for them that they were finally remembered.

To some extent, the success of the Liberal Democratic Party was facilitated by the appearance in May 1993 of the sensational book by Vladimir Zhirinovsky "The Last Throw to the South". It must be admitted that this work somewhat anticipated the current turn of the Russian foreign policy towards the Middle East. However, Zhirinovsky proposed plans of a fantastic scale: a sudden military rush of the Russian army to the south and the seizure of vast territories with access to warm seas and the oceans.

“But the war in the Middle East,” Zhirinovsky wrote, “it will not end and may ultimately cause a third world war ... world war... How I dream that Russian soldiers would wash their boots with the warm water of the Indian Ocean and change to summer uniforms forever ... We need to calm this region down forever. "

At that time, the state of the Russian army was such that even the "attack on Grozny", carried out a year and a half later, turned out to be overwhelming for it. However, many people, tired of the continuous surrender of foreign policy positions, were flattered by such a reactionary utopia, despite the fact that an attempt to implement it was tantamount to unleashing a third world war.

At the 1996 edition of The Last Throw South, Zhirinovsky is already wearing the uniform of a lieutenant colonel. In which regiment he served all this time is unknown.

In the parliamentary elections of December 1993, the Liberal Democratic Party received 22.92% of the vote, taking first place on party lists. Everyone remembers Yuri Karjakin's exclamation about this: "Russia, you are crazy!" However, he did not consider it necessary to add that this "stupidity" was in many ways a product of the activities of reformers - "shock therapists".

Neither shaky nor shaky

The Liberal Democratic Party was unable to develop its success, despite the fact that all sorts of "authoritative" businessmen - "young wolves", as Zhirinovsky called them, were drawn to it, which provided the party with serious funding, and Zhirinovsky himself - a comfortable lifestyle, which he would dream of could not in Soviet times.

The June 1996 presidential elections were unsuccessful for Zhirinovsky: he collected only 5.7% of the vote in the first round. Perhaps this is due to the fact that some of the voters who support his ultra-patriotic and sovereign rhetoric have found a more adequate and brutal candidate for themselves - General Alexander Lebed.

In the elections to the State Duma in December 1999, the LDPR was initially denied registration, and its leader had to register the so-called Zhirinovsky bloc, which received 5.98% of the votes, while it was impossible to say about the other founders of this bloc - Oleg Finko and Yegor Solomatin nothing concrete.

The presidential elections in Russia in March 2000 brought Zhirinovsky a modest 2.7% of the vote. It can be assumed that in these elections a significant part of his traditional electorate passed to Vladimir Putin, who intended to do much of what Zhirinovsky was talking about: defeat the Chechen separatists, recreate a strong army, and limit the influence of the oligarchs.

The similarity of the "early" Zhirinovsky with the then-famous "psychotherapist" Kashpirovsky (pictured on the right) in the early nineties was obvious: both in external attributes and in hypnotic influence on the public. Photo by RIA Novosti, ChTK-TASS

From that moment on, political scientists strongly predicted the imminent decline of Zhirinovsky and his party. Nevertheless, in the 2003 State Duma elections, the Liberal Democratic Party was reborn like a phoenix from the ashes, receiving 11.45% of the vote. By that time, Zhirinovsky himself realized that he should not enter into rivalry with Vladimir Putin. First, he apparently had a premonition that in the heat of the election campaign he might forget himself and say something about the president that he would never be forgiven. And secondly, he understood that he would inevitably suffer a crushing defeat. Therefore, in the 2004 presidential elections, he put up a completely caricatured figure in his place - football player and boxer Oleg Malyshkin, who nevertheless managed to collect 2.02% of the vote and, at the same time, significantly outstrip the future leader of A Just Russia, Sergei Mironov. In the elections to the State Duma in December 2007, the Liberal Democratic Party also showed a weaker result compared to the previous parliamentary elections - 8.14% of the vote.

The 2008 presidential elections, in which Dmitry Medvedev was the candidate from the ruling corporation, brought Zhirinovsky 9.35% of the vote. For him, apparently, voted part of the voters who previously voted for Vladimir Putin and for whom Dmitry Medvedev seemed too soft.

During the subsequent elections, the results of the LDPR and its leader fluctuated within fairly wide limits: 11.67% of the votes for the LDPR in the 2011 State Duma elections, 6.22% of the votes cast for Zhirinovsky in the 2012 presidential elections, and 13.4% votes for the Liberal Democratic Party in the 2016 parliamentary elections.

What's on the Kremlin's mind, on Zhirinovsky's tongue

Back in February 2000, in an interview with the author of these lines, Vladimir Zhirinovsky said: “There is nothing to accuse us of. We did not steal a ruble, in foreign policy we advocated only for Russia and offered healthy options for overcoming the crisis. And Putin is doing a lot of what we like today. This is 90% the same as what we would do if we came to power. "

Needless to say, what President Putin is doing today evokes the most enthusiastic support from the Liberal Democratic Party and its leader. The LDPR program for 2016-2021 says: “The return of Crimea to Russia is a great historic achievement, and we are convinced that Russia has the right to all its historical lands and should make efforts to peacefully expand its borders, at least to the limits of the former USSR ”.

The West is well aware that Zhirinovsky and his party are "voicing" much of what the Kremlin dreams of, but so far hesitates to say out loud. Therefore, it is not surprising that the European leaders and the NATO leadership are very concerned about the possibility of abandoning the principle of inviolability of borders and further "peaceful" expansion of Russia according to the Crimean scenario.

The economic part of the LDPR program is permeated with left-wing populism. “In the coming years,” it says, “we are ready to ensure that the minimum wage in Russia is at least 20 thousand rubles. We must begin to use our main wealth - land. The Liberal Democratic Party demands to begin to seize land from unscrupulous owners who profit from its lease, and transfer it to those who will actually work on it. We must also nationalize the entire heavy industry ... "All the treasury for production!" - we demand today. "

"To seize", "nationalize", to pump up the industry with money - all this reminds the calls of the economists of the communist persuasion. At the same time, the LDPR, however, declares itself to be a categorical enemy of communist ideology, and Zhirinovsky himself periodically clashes with the communists at State Duma meetings, mainly over assessments of the Soviet past. One of the recent brochures of the Liberal Democratic Party says: “Everywhere there are monuments to Marx and Lenin. The main terrorist of all times and peoples lies in the Mausoleum on the most beautiful square in Moscow. And all this is considered in the order of things. An eerie, dirty deception. "

Party and leader will leave together

In fact, the current LDPR occupies in society and the political system approximately the same niche that the LDPSS occupied in 1989. It is a kind of reserve where people who do not want or are not able to become part of the ruling corporation have the opportunity to prove themselves in political activities... At the same time, the ruling corporation can always count on the support of the party in certain critical situations. For this, her leader is endowed with some kind of unspoken special legal status: absolutely everything is forgiven to him. And besides, he is periodically invited to the Kremlin, awarded with orders, state television channels are always open for him.

The Liberal Democratic Party, like other Russian parties imitating opposition, has no ultimate goal, since Zhirinovsky himself perfectly understands that he will never become the president of Russia, and has long resigned himself to this. However, the slogan of Social Democracy, formulated in due time by Eduard Bernstein: "The goal is nothing, movement is everything", does not quite fit it. Rather, one could say in a modern manner: "The goal is nothing, movement is everything."

INFORMATION ABOUT THE HISTORY OF FORMATION OF THE LDPR

The Liberal Democratic Party emerged under the conditions of the collapse of the state, political and social structures of the USSR, the collapse of the one-party system, the disillusionment of the masses of people with totalitarian socialism and the monopoly of one ideology of Marxism - Leninism. The ideological and political differentiation of society was expressed in the formation of three main party-political trends: the right (radical - democrats, corrupt party nomenklatura, national patriots), left (communists, socialists, collectivists - agrarians) and centrists (liberal - democrats, social democrats) ... In the centrist current, the Liberal Democratic Party became the most influential political force. Its origin is associated with the beginning of the political activities of V.V. Zhirinovsky. Social protest against totalitarian orders manifested itself in V.V. Zhirinovsky from his youth.

In 1997, Vladimir Volfovich was already going to join the informal political “party” which was led by a certain Anatoly Anisimov, but he did not have time to do this, because this "party" was dispersed.

In early May 1988, Zhirinovsky took part in the founding congress of the Democratic Union (DS) party. In May 1988, he drew up a draft program of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the form of a leaflet, distributed it to activists of informal groups, including the Free Interprofessional Association of Workers and the Democratic Perestroika Club.

In September 1989 he took part in a rally held by patriotic organizations, among which was the "Memory" movement (leader I. Sychev). Zhirinovsky was looking everywhere for supporters and like-minded people.

This made it possible to take the first step towards the creation of a new party. In the spring of 1989, together with S.V. Bogachev, who broke away from the Democratic Party, he created an initiative group of the Liberal Democratic Party.

On December 13, 1989, at the organizational meeting of the Liberal Democratic Party, Vladimir Volfovich was elected as its Chairman, Bogachev as the main coordinator.

The LDP came into being when the Soviet Union still existed. Therefore, at the first, constituent congress, held on March 31, 1990, it became known as the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS).

The LDP program aimed to establish links with the international liberal movement, the Liberal International, founded in 1947. Soon after the 1st congress, the LDP joined the Liberal International, and the chairman of the LDP, Zhirinovsky, took part in its next congress, held in October 1990 in Finland.

The organizational basis of the LDP was liberal democracy. So, the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party took place. In a short time, the number of the party increased from 3 thousand to 15 thousand people. The formation of regional organizations proceeded quickly, which arose not only in Russian Federation, but also in other union republics. The first printed organ of the party was the Liberal newspaper. Then the organ of the LDP was Pravda Zhirinovsky, and now the newspaper LDPR.

LEADER'S REFERENCES

More than nine years have passed since the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. Contrary to skeptics and ill-wishers, open political opponents, numerous hostile actions by the authorities and other political forces, the LDPR as a party took place, turned into a mass party organization, operates in all regions of our vast country. Many people believed and followed the Liberal Democratic Party, support it in the elections and in many of its extra-parliamentary actions. In many ways, the authority and popularity of the Liberal Democratic Party was the result of its constant ideological, propaganda and organizational work.

Biography

Vladimir Zhirinovsky was born and raised in the Soviet Union, in a family of ordinary Soviet employees, and therefore his childhood and adolescence can be considered normal for the 50-70 years. Everything that he achieved in life, he had to achieve himself, without outside help, relying solely on his own strength, will, perseverance, ability.

Was born on April 25, 1946 in the city of Alma-Ata. It was Thursday, it was evening, the eleventh hour. It was raining. This was the first post-war spring. The Zhirinovsky family lived in a two-story house on Duvganskaya Street, in the city that once bore the name of Verny and was founded in 1854 by Russian Cossacks. The Russian people founded this city, therefore, V. Zhirinovsky can be rightfully considered a Russian.

V. Zhirinovsky was born in a house where only Russians lived, and in the whole city there were mostly Russians, and even now 86 percent of the population there are Russians.

V. Zhirinovsky always considered himself Russian, since he was born to a Russian woman - Alexandra Pavlovna Zhirinovskaya, nee Makarova, who had a mother, Vladimir's grandmother, Fiona Nikiforovna Makarova, nee Sergucheva. And she had a brother Mikhail Nikiforovich and another brother. One of them worked in Moscow at the Mint, and the grandmother herself worked in Moscow in Botanical Garden, in the thirties. Vladimir had many relatives and they lived everywhere: in Moscow, in Leningrad, in Penza, in Syzran, in Sasovo, in Kemerovo, in Bratsk, in Arkhangelsk, in Ulyanovsk, in Pyatigorsk, in Tomsk, on Far East, in the Krasnodar Territory, in Armavir, etc. And, of course, there were people of different nationalities, and cleaners and candidates of science. Just soldiers and colonels, people who graduated from universities and did not graduate. Vladimir's grandfather Pavel Ivanovich Makarov died of typhus in 1919, he was a soldier of the old tsarist Russian army.

Vladimir was born right in the apartment, in the same room where he then lived for another 18 years until the day when on June 3, 1964, he left his hometown of Alma-Ata forever and moved to live forever in the city of Moscow.

During childbirth Ambulance I didn't arrive on time, so they ran after a neighbor, a pensioner, a midwife. It was raining, she did not live so close and did not have time to come either. My uncle, the husband of Vladimir's own aunt, helped and cut off the umbilical cord with a kitchen knife. And he cut it off well, no worse than in maternity hospitals. When the ambulance arrived, two people had to be taken to the maternity hospital, Volodya and his mother. Vladimir was the sixth child, a strong guy, and he went out into this world himself. Normal weight, normal height, blue eyes. He subsequently developed curly blonde hair.

Father, Wolf Andreevich Zhirinovsky, was a simple lawyer, worked in the Office of the Turkestan-Siberian Railway. He died in the year Vladimir was born, as a result of a car accident. Vladimir became an orphan. Didn't even realize that there was someone called dad. Mom was left without a livelihood. The family's cow had to be sold due to lack of feed.

Alexandra Pavlovna assigned her son to a 24-hour nursery. Six days a week, Vladimir was in the ward, where there were 20 more children, until he was transferred to kindergarten... It was no longer a six-day round-the-clock, but an ordinary kindergarten. He stayed in it until he was 6 years old and went there with reluctance. Since at home he was left to himself and could look for "pasture", climb with friends in the gardens, pick apples, pears, plums, cherries. At home, Vladimir did not have a children's corner, toys, children's books. When Vladimir learned to read, he opened books for adults, but understood little.

In 1953, Vladimir went to the first grade, it was a men's school. And only from the second grade they introduced co-education. After my mother went to work in the canteen, life became more satisfying and reliable. She ate there and brought something home. Volodya never had new clothes and always wore old worn clothes.

Volodya's mother died in May 1985, and he looked back at her life - indeed, there was nothing joyful in it. All my life - humiliation and insults.

Vladimir studied at the same school for eleven years. high school with industrial training, where they trained car mechanics of the 2nd category. From the 8th grade I went to the car repair plant No. 2 in Alma-Ata for practice, two or three people left for other cities, including Vladimir.

Arriving in Moscow ... adaptation is needed, and again material difficulties, again beds, hostels, all this communality, when four people live in one room. Again these common toilets, canteens, again catering, hard language studies

A university, where there are many new disciplines, high requirements - all this immediately put pressure on the body and soul of a seventeen-year-old boy.

On June 3, 1964, Vladimir arrives in Moscow, at Vnukovo airport, on an IL-18 plane with a small suitcase of the most necessary things - a shirt, a change of linen. And in the other hand is a basket of strawberries and tomatoes. When he came to the Institute of Oriental Languages ​​and showed the documents, there was the first blow - the documents did not correspond to the given university. One of the main documents is missing: the recommendations of the district committee of the Komsomol. I had to write a letter to my mother to get a recommendation. Vladimir's mother sent a recommendation in a letter and he submitted documents to the institute. At the entrance exams, it was necessary to pass five exams, an essay, Russian oral and written, history, English oral and written. Volodya passed an essay with a three, oral Russian, oral Russian and literature - four, history - five, English, presentation - three, oral English - three. This turned out to be enough to enroll. Received a student card, did not refuse a hostel, and gave a scholarship - thirty-five rubles.

For good studies, in the second year, Vladimir began to receive an increased scholarship - forty-seven rubles and fifty kopecks. He was elected the headman of the group, then, at 4-5 courses, as a Komsomol organizer. Already in 1967 he began to show political activity. On April 15, 1967, he sent a letter to the Central Committee of the CPSU and, in an appeal to the country's leadership, proposed reforms in the field of education, agriculture, and industry. In December 1967, Vladimir takes another step. Sharply speaks at the dispute "Democracy in them (ie in the West) and here (ie in the USSR)." Someone who was always present at such disputes did not like this. So he comes across a note to the leadership of the institute, in particular - to the rector of the Institute of Foreign Languages ​​A.A. Kovalev, Vice-Rector M.F. Yuriev. And already in January 1968, the first political blow - he was not approved for a one-month trip as an interpreter with a sports delegation to Turkey - as politically unreliable. And only in April 1969, for the first time, he went to a capitalist country, and before that, in 1966, he first visited abroad - in Hungary - as part of the student construction team of Moscow State University.

Graduated from the university with honors. Graduated with honors from Moscow University, in the assembly hall of Moscow State University on Lenin Hills received a red diploma.

The official salary of a deputy is approximately 300 thousand and various allowances, an average of 500 thousand a month. I give everything to the party, so I practically don't use this money.

PARTY PROGRAM

ECONOMY

We are against a return to the old model - socialism. We are ready to really manage affairs in the state and society, and then we would be able to implement our program. We would stop aid to other countries, while it continues. We, the LDPR faction, are ready to fulfill all our promises. We are opposed to the destruction of the public sector and are ready to help create a powerful private sector, but honest and open.

We suggest - change the course of the government.

We will not allow land privatization. The land will remain in the hands of the state. We will not allow the privatization of communications, energy, transport, and the entire heavy industry.

We are opposed to the reduction of the military-industrial complex. As for privatization, we are also opponents of it. This is our land, our factories, our homes, cinemas, shops. Why rush to transfer all this to someone. In the economy, we are for the fact that most of the industry should be in the hands of the state, but let there be a small private sector.

We differ from all parties in a different program. We have a specific anti-crime program. We stand for a powerful army. Our state needs a strong, large army, because we have enemies all around us. There is not a single point in Russia where there would be a calm border. Therefore, we must have a strong army, otherwise we will lose the country.

Measures Needed to Save Our

economics:

1. Deideologization and de-politicization of the economy, elimination of various speculative doctrines and concepts of both Marxist and ultra-liberal persuasion from it.

2. Creation of firm and clear legislation, permanent rules of the economic game. Tax cuts and tougher sanctions for non-payment.

3. Foreign trade in all types of raw materials should be concentrated entirely in the hands of the state. This temporary measure should provide funds for the implementation of structural, investment, social and cultural policies of the state, support of the entire infrastructure, especially in the initial period of recovery, when the fiscal base is small, budget expenditures are high. After the creation of export potential in industry and other areas, the export of raw materials should be significantly limited.

4. It is necessary to consolidate commercial banks, bringing their number to 25 - 30. Consolidation should be carried out by a gradual merger, without ruin and excesses, based on the results of audits. The aim of the enlargement is to create a stable banking system capable of investments, mainly lending to production, not consumption. Only by lending to priority industries under government guarantees can rapid structural shifts be achieved; when lending to consumption, structural shifts stretch over time, besides, consumption, despite any protectionism, can have an import orientation.

5. It is generally necessary to revise the policy in the field of "monopoly". At the same time, it follows from the fact that in different spheres of the economy the permissible degree of monopolization is different: if it is completely unacceptable in retail trade, then in high-tech industries, the sphere of transport and communications, naf and gas production, it is not only natural, but also useful, and in in the automotive industry is optimal at the level of 20-25%.

6. After strengthening the production and financial structures, the state should make purposeful promotion of them to the external market, using all political and diplomatic means.

7. The state should support the most qualified and cultural strata of the population, because consumer and labor attitudes towards such people are the engine of the economy in any material prosperous society.

8. A relentless fight against all types of crime must become an essential element of economic policy. Freedom of trade and production from racketeering, banditry, bribery of officials, road robbery should have a quick effect in the form of lower prices for most types of industrial products.

9. Investment priority should be given to:

High-tech industries (including weapons);

Processing industry and mass production of cheap and economical equipment for agricultural production;

Housing construction, which in our conditions of shortage can play the role of the "engine" of the economy.

POLITICS

The LDPR is the only party in the Russian parliament and in Russia that is in direct contact with political forces in Germany.

Economy and money are at the heart of summer politics. We want democracy, we want all citizens to live and act in accordance with human rights norms, we want free elections, we want a market economy.

The party's program is the rejection of national-state division. There should be one principle - territorial. Citizens of any nationality live in any geographic region and enjoy the same rights. This is the whole point of democracy. As for the restoration of the territories that were part of the USSR, we are talking about their voluntary entry into Russia.

We differ from other political forces primarily in our attitude to the state, this is the main difference. We are supporters of the state being united. The federation is not good for us. It is impossible for the situation to be like it is now in Chechnya. The state must be permanent: Russia and 40 provinces. The national question is connected with the state. State for all of us and democracy for all of us. It cannot be based on ethnicity. Russia is the Fatherland for everyone. Then we will have a quieter life.

What do we offer?

1. In the field of government - to abolish all republics and introduce provinces, 40 provinces. Let each territory contain itself. Everyone should pay taxes equally.

2. Stop all help to everyone. Russia should not help anyone today. Help no one, improve the economy, liquidate the republics, have a strong army, put an end to crime and democracy for all. Then the situation will really improve.

Of course, there are many other measures. Strengthen educational work, especially in schools. Here is our specific program. Any person of any nationality should know that Russia is the Fatherland for everyone. Russia is a single state, Russian is the only state language. There is one head of state in the country.

FIGHTING CORRUPTION

It is not necessary to reduce the army, but to throw a powerful staff of the officer corps directly into the fight against crime. To do this, the Ministry of Internal Affairs must be cleared. The Ministry of Internal Affairs is the main body for the fight against crime, but since it is very corrupt, it is necessary to carry out a powerful purge of this apparatus.

For us, the main economic interests are lowering crime and lowering social tension. The principle is one, not a single homeless person, not a single unemployed person, not a single hungry person.

Social policy is a set of goals and means aimed at improving or maintaining the standard of living of the majority of the population. The Liberal Democratic Party is against the wearable resettlement of peoples in any historical situation and does not deliberately resettle any peoples. We can only talk about the isolation and deportation of individual citizens who violate state legislation. But here, too, we mean preventive measures against violators of the law and order of any nationality, and not representatives of any specific peoples.

The Liberal Democratic Party is the only party that protects the people. Gotta take off national question off the agenda. And to do as in all states - the internal division of the country only on the territorial basis, 30-40 provinces with 3-4 million population, where all citizens are equal, everyone, regardless of nationality.

The most important national question cannot be dispensed with when it comes to political problems. Let's take another question: oh armed forces... We need the army not for aggression, but as a factor of stability.

The Liberal Democratic Party has adopted five basic ideals - liberalism, democracy, justice, law and order - which together constitute its system of views, its ideology.

Liberalism.

Having emerged in the conditions of the collapse of Soviet socialism, the LDPR declared its rejection of any totalitarianism and adherence to its anti-liberalism. The concept itself comes from the Latin word libber - free. Liberal is a free-thinking, freedom-loving person.

Liberalism originated during the struggle of the Western European bourgeoisie against feudalism, absolute monarchy... The ideological foundations of the liberal movement were laid by the great Western European enlighteners of the 18th century - Locke, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau and others, who acted as fighters against absolutism. Liberalism in the understanding of the LDPR is the liberalism of a modern highly organized society with the regulatory functions necessary for its successful and progressive development.

Democracy.

As the name of the party implies, its ideal is also democratism, democracy. Democracy, in the conviction of the party's supporters, should permeate the activities of all organizations - party-political, scientific, cultural, women's, youth, etc. Democracy, according to the LDPR, is incompatible with a monopoly on power, on the dominance of one party in society and the state. The Liberal Democratic Party rejects the monopoly in any sphere of society.

The radical democrats consider only that society as democratic, in which the opportunity, through completely free market relations, will be presented to achieve complete freedom of enterprising people to show their abilities in the economy, politics and other spheres of public and state life.

The Liberal Democratic Party strives for the organic unity of formal and de facto democracy.

POLITICAL ALLIES

We are enemies and competitors for everyone. And for "Our House - Russia" Chernomyrdin, and for the Communists, and for pseudo-patriots. We are like a bone in the throat for them ...

The Liberal Democratic Party of Russia pays primary attention to the development of the country's foreign policy concept, especially in view of the obvious treacherous course of the radical democrats in the international arena, but to have its own foreign policy, a policy of protecting its national interests, which would be beneficial to it and correspond to its geopolitical role.

The Liberal Democratic Party has identified the main priority areas of Russia's foreign policy. In relations with neighboring countries, the Russian Federation should pursue a course towards comprehensive integration with the former Soviet republics. At the same time, the LDPR believes that if it does not need to be formed, then it is impossible to hesitate with the process of restoring the historical Of the Russian state, because there is a real danger of some former Soviet republics leaving the orbit of other geopolitical forces.

The western geopolitical environment of Russia - Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova - must be rigidly economically and politically tied to Russia, until the infrastructural and spiritual opportunities of unity with them are missed.

Emphasis should be placed on the unity of the Slavic peoples, which should become one of the important directions of Russia's foreign policy. Resolutely seek an end to the armed aggression of NATO countries in the former Yugoslavia(to support the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Serbian people). Germany can become the main economic and political partner of Russia in Europe.

In the Far East, Japan can become a very promising and important economic partner of Russia, which, however, has territorial claims to our country. In relations with China, it is important to proceed from the fact that this is our neighbor, with whom Russia has the longest border, which, on the one hand, allows the development of trade, economic and other relations, and on the other hand, fraught with the danger of millions of Chinese territory and displacement of Russian residents from there.

India is Russia's natural geopolitical ally in Asia. An alliance with India would make it possible to stop the aggressive aspirations of some neighboring states and would contribute to the consolidation of regional and international stability. In addition, there are huge prospects for trade, economic, financial and scientific and technical cooperation between Russia and India.

Russia must put an end to ideological approaches in foreign policy and develop cooperation with countries such as Iraq, Libya, Cuba, North Korea... The most profitable allies of Russia on the world stage are India, North Korea, a number of Arab states, and Germany. This will neutralize the "claims" of America, China and Japan.

In the Near and Middle East, a one-sided orientation towards either the Arabs or Israel should be avoided. It is also important to take into account that in last years there was a noticeable intensification of the expansionist policy of Turkey and Iran in the Caucasus and in Central Asia, which poses a serious threat to the strategic interests of Russia.

Its relations with African countries, Latin America, Australia and Oceania, Russia should be commensurate with its capabilities and national interests.

Thus, the foreign policy doctrine should be aimed at enhancing the role of Russia in the world, both in its national interests and in the interests of general security and stability. The policy must be reasonable.

YOUTH POLICY

Youth is a socio-demographic group of society, distinguished on the basis of age characteristics from 14-16 to 25-30 years old, with its own characteristics of social status and specific socio-psychological properties determined by the social system, culture and upbringing.

First, we are in favor of restoring guarantees of free education at all levels. Only our faction has stopped the introduction of tuition fees in the upper grades of schools. Today, about two million Russians cannot study. Therefore, it is necessary to take measures so that all schoolchildren can study, so that vocational schools (vocational schools), sports schools, sections can be restored again in order to ensure leisure and spirituality. Everything must be done so that the younger generation will enter a normal rhythm and will have the guaranteed opportunity to study and work. We will spend another youth policy so that young people do not go to the malls because of unemployment, for food, so that they have more time

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1.V. Zhirinovsky

10 years of the Liberal Democratic Party

Organization. Politics. Ideology.

Moscow 1999

2. To the LDPR program

materials

compiled by I. S. Kulikova

Moscow 1998

3.V. Zhirinovsky

LDPR as a party took place

(from congress to congress)

Moscow 1997

4.V. Zhirinovsky

Political classics

Wake up, citizens of Russia!

Moscow 1998

5.V. Zhirinovsky

We will revive Great Russia

LDPR - Liberal Democratic Party of Russia " Is an officially registered opposition political party in the Russian Federation. Is the direct successor of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union, created December 13, 1989... Thus, the LDPR has been on the political arena for 28 years. The term is not short, therefore, on the eve of the presidential campaign, in which the leader of the party V. Zhirinovsky has already expressed a desire to participate, it is worth dwelling on some issues: who and why created the party, what are its successes and what distinguishes it from other parties, especially the past to the last Duma? And why do we need parties financed by taxpayers in the country?

Liberal Democratic Party Is the oldest Russian political party. Is one of the three parties that participated in the elections of deputies The State Duma Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of all seven convocations, and one of the two parties, which always received representation in the lower house of Parliament following the election results.

In the political spectrum, the Liberal Democratic Party takes the position of "centrism", the main ideological components of the party's program are patriotism, Russian nationalism, popular Pan-Slavic liberalism and democratic statism.

Established during the Soviet era, the party's history goes back a little less than 30 years. The Liberal Democratic Party unites about 200 thousand party members, and millions of voters who vote for it in elections at all levels.

This is the official information available in the public domain.

We also wrote about this party more than once (http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/ and http://inance.ru/2015/09/finansi-partij/), nevertheless, some aspects of the LDPR's activities are worth sharpen your attention.

How did the Liberal Democratic Party come about?

The history of the modern Russian party system is not very long. Its actual starting point is the beginning of the split in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1988. Parties and movements multiplied and liquidated, merged and revived. During the period described, party construction often acquired a chaotic character. In fact, every politician preferred to create his own pocket party and, using it as a resource, only then negotiate with colleagues who are close to him in views, opportunistic or simply negotiable colleagues.

In that period, in addition to the ideocratic - liberal and communist (traditionalist) parties, there were already exclusively "project" parties. Including very successful ones. An example of the success of the project party is the LDPR, which was created in December 1989 and had the original name of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS).

Marginal notes

Anatoly Kulik identifies four broad types of parties as follows:

Programming parties- these are parties with a clear platform, adopted with a certain observance of internal party democracy, which its leadership follows and which is constantly presented to society. The Communist Party and Yabloko are the best examples of program parties.

Project parties- parties that are usually created shortly before the elections as part of the hidden strategy of competing "elite" groups. The classic project party was the left-wing patriotic Rodina in the 2003 elections, conceived to take votes from the communists.

Regime parties- parties sponsored by the government, representing the system itself. They are sponsored by the ruling group to strengthen their power, created to manipulate and shape political space, and in some cases to act as the so-called "party of power." In 1995, Our Home is Russia (NDR) was an early and underdeveloped prototype, but Unity turned out to be more successful in the 1999 elections, as did its successor United Russia in 2003 and 2007.

Spoiler parties- parties that have little chance of achieving success on their own and which are conceived to sow confusion in a certain political niche and take votes from opposition groups. (Political Science No 4/2010 - "Political parties, democracy and the quality of public administration in modern societies").

LDPR - KGB project

The first deputy chairman of the KGB of the USSR, General of the Army F.Bobkov, and the closest associate of M. Gorbachev, A. Yakovlev, openly wrote about the creation of the LDPR as a project. The party was created for the "selection" of the liberal, which did not work, and, to a greater extent, of the protest electorate, which, in general, was successful. Moreover, one can hardly talk about the ideology of the Liberal Democratic Party and its leader. An indirect proof of this already at that time was the ideological "evolution" of V. Zhirinovsky himself. It is widely known that initially V. Zhirinovsky was a member of the radical Democratic Union, whose political position is not only close to the platform of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, but also diametrically opposite to it. Such a sharp "evolution" fits well into the hypothesis of the "project" style of political activity of the Liberal Democrats. The project party demonstrated its strength in 1993, gaining 22.92% of the vote and taking first place in the federal district.

Thus, the party elite of the 1980s, many of whom were "agents of influence" of the West, preparing the controlled collapse of the USSR, created a controlled "opposition."

About how the LDPR was created, writes Alexander Yakovlev (1923 - 2005), ideologist and architect of the so-called "Perestroika" and liberal post-Soviet reforms, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1987 - 1990, in the book "Twilight : Reflections on the fate of Russia "(Alexander Yakovlev. - Publ. 2, supplemented and revised. - M.: Materik, 2005. - 672 pp. - ISBN 5-85646-147-9).

We wrote about this in the article "Mr. X Russian politics: Zhirinovsky, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Kremlin "(http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/). This is confirmed by the memoirs of the Chairman of the KGB N. Kryuchkov (https://jasonbourn.livejournal.com/651994.html).

The general conclusion is obvious. Today, most parties (from " United Russia"Before the Liberal Democratic Party) are such party formations that are easier to describe through leaderism, which in Western political science is described as client relationships.

Marginal notes

Clientelism - (Latin cliens - ward) is a model of the political structuring of society, based on a special type of relationship between a leader (patron) and his followers (clients) - his loyal or dependent supporters. It manifests itself in the form of personal clientele (lat. - clientela) - personal "teams" of individual leaders, as well as clientelized institutions, political and financial groups (from large enterprises, financial and economic structures to bodies state power) based on patronage and client connections. The main characteristics of such groups are the closed and hierarchical structure, as well as the informal nature of interaction in the struggle for the right to control resources.

In Russian speaking, today each party is a bag of money, around which a group is formed with a leader at the head, sometimes even without a leader. The main thing is to promote the interests of “who is dancing the girl,” which for some reason is not written about in politically correct definitions.

POCKET OPPOSITION

In the regular elections to the State Duma held on September 18, 2016, the LDPR almost took second place, gaining 13.14% of the vote and losing only two tenths of a percent to the Communists. The party is especially proud of the fact that it almost did not lose voters in absolute numbers: in these elections a little less than seven million people voted for it, in the previous parliamentary elections in 2011 - just over seven and a half million (while United Russia lost four million voters, and the Communist Party - and even five and a half).

According to political analysts, the voter has become disillusioned with all parties and is not ready to support new party projects, such as the Rodina and the Party of Growth parties. The people now do not distinguish between parliamentary parties, and not parliamentary ones either. For people it is already the same that "United Russia", that the Communist Party, that "Fair Russia" or the Liberal Democratic Party.

There are no surprises, all this was predicted at the start - the same four parliamentary parties.

The low turnout in Moscow and St. Petersburg is an indicator that people do not believe that the State Duma can decide something: recent times she worked in the "What do you want?" An analysis of the positions of the majority of active participants in these parties reveals that the positions of the current government and the positions of the parliamentary opposition on key political issues almost completely coincide.

Moreover, the activists of the parties do not go beyond discussions in their actions, while on key issues the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and "Fair Russia" support United Russia during the voting, which is not surprising, since the main funding for the maintenance of these parties comes from the federal budget. (read our article "Who finances Russian parties?" - http://inance.ru/2015/09/finansi-partij/).

WHY IS THE LDPR NOT AN OPPOSITION PARTY?

There are eight signs that the parliamentary opposition in Russia is not an opposition in literally words. This applies equally to the Liberal Democratic Party.

1. The nature of power

The nature of power is the same for both the representatives of the current government and the opposition. This is the power of the "elites". There are those who know what to do, and there are people who must follow the instructions of the new leaders. Probably, we will say the obvious thing, but we have already forgotten this obvious thing in recent years. Political parties are not needed at all to fight for power: political parties are needed in order for the government to take into account the interests of all significant groups.

2. Democracy

Everyone swears in democracy, but no one is going to build it. If, of course, we understand democracy as a real democracy, and not as it was accepted in Ancient Greece: democracy - for free citizens (demos) of polis, and for slaves - slavery.

3. Elections

Some representatives of the authorities in Russia believe that there should be fewer elections in Russia, while representatives of the systemic opposition believe that there should be more elections. But the fact that the elections should be preserved in their current form, in this the opposition and the authorities are united. The opposition does not offer anything innovative, except how to "learn to win in dishonest elections."

4.Parties

The existing party system is a form of the most effective alienation of a political resource from a citizen. On this issue in relation to the people, the ruling and opposition groups are united.

5. People

The people in Russia are not the subject of politics. This is what the intra-elite consensus is based on. The appeal to the people, both from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party, "Fair Russia", and from the liberal parties, is exclusively propagandistic in nature. Without exception, all existing parties in elections need an electorate, not a people.
It should be noted that the population of our country has not yet grown to be called a people, since the people differ from the population in that they are capable of generating conceptual power, that is, they are managerially competent in their majority, which we do not yet have anywhere near.

6. Constitution of the Russian Federation

7. Institute of the President

The institution of the President is the ultimate dream for any oppositionist, as it were, a presidential candidate, and dreams of "absolute power". And even representatives of those political structures that talk about a parliamentary republic in Russia do not harshly deny the institution of the President.

8. Lack of an exciting dream about the future of Russia

This is the main complaint against the current "elites". They can ardently curse America, Ukraine, Islam, Putin's regime, etc., but when asked: "What do you want yourself?" usually there is only a ringing emptiness - or platitudes like building the same "national state", only "good" ...

They themselves openly declare that “the representatives of the authorities do not have a single image of the future” (https://www.rbc.ru/economics/24/04/2017/58fdd1689a79479227ba0cd1).

Turns out that the people are the only opposition in Russia. Moreover, the people will understand what the Goncourt brothers (French writers and historians of the 19th century) noted more than a century ago:

“Ultimately, there are as many disgruntled rascals as there are satisfied rascals. The opposition is no better than the government. "

And the people will look for new effective forms of exercising their own power and protecting their own interests, not trusting those who only imitate concern for the people. And what can oppose the “horizontal of the people” to the “vertical of power” today? Only their own conceptual authority and their own will, aimed at its implementation in the practice of life against all imitations in Russia: both imitation of power and imitation of opposition.

We offer you to watch the video “Danger of fictitious opposition. Or why the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party will never come to power? ":

THE AFTERWORD

The political system in Russia is in the deepest crisis, which we saw in the regional elections in 2015 and the elections to the State Duma in 2016. The fake multiparty system has already ceased to meet the requirements of the times and voters, therefore, the dismantling of the current political system will surely begin in the country, which may gradually be replaced by another system, in which even elements of control “from below” may appear.

We are in the article "What is the opposition in Russia obliged to do?" (http://inance.ru/2017/08/oppoziciya/) asked a number of leading questions, reflections on which allow us to see the usefulness of certain parties. Let's paraphrase them here:

• What industry do all branches of the national economy depend on?
• What are the most important social needs?
• Some of social groups, expresses the interests of the working majority?
• What interests do other social groups reflect?
• What kind of opposition will be useful in orienting society, its statehood and the state to meet these needs and interests?

For our answers to these questions, see the mentioned article - http://inance.ru/2017/08/oppoziciya/. We strongly advise you to read this entire article.

To once again be convinced of the low efficiency political system Russia, we suggest that you familiarize yourself with the interview with V.F. Zhirinovsky in honor of the 28th anniversary of the Liberal Democratic Party (https://www.kompravda.eu/radio/26770.4/3802470/). As always, there are many words, but the main thing is not said: what has the LDPR achieved for the country's residents? And what is the meaning of its existence?

December 13, 1989 is not only the date of the creation of the party, it is also the anniversary of the Russian multi-party system, since the LDPR became the first officially registered alternative to the CPSU.

Today it seems symbolic that the founding congress of the party took place on April 1. The name also makes it look frivolous: why, but it never had the slightest relation to liberalism.

After the 1993 Duma elections, in which the Liberal Democratic Party achieved a sensational result, one professor at Moscow State University asked the students whom they had just supported, and was horrified when he heard that many voted "for Zhirinovsky": how could you ?!

"And for fun!" - answered the youth.

If nothing depends on citizens anyway, and they do not really want to think and take responsibility, why not arrange entertainment from the elections?

According to observers, there are two secrets of the LDPR's success: simple recipes in the spirit of “everyone is fooling your head, and we believe that The best way to solve any issue, to take it, and to solve it, ”and the leader, without whom the party, most likely, would not have taken place at all.

In the 1990s, the LDPR seriously claimed a share of the political spectrum, filling an authoritarian-imperial niche. Nowadays others are successfully working in this field.

Therefore, two functions remain: to create a favorable backdrop for the Kremlin and United Russia, which, compared to Zhirinovsky and his party, are easy to look moderate, and to entertain the public by adding a bit of diversity to the dull and 100% predictable political life.

Perhaps the best, succinctly and clearly, defined the role of Zhirinovsky Russian President Vladimir Putin:

"Lights up beautifully!"

The speech of the Liberal Democratic Party leader at the meeting of the deputy corps with the president in Crimea (http://www.bbc.com/russian/international/2014/08/140814_putin_yalta_speech_analysis), which provoked this reaction, as noted by the Russian media, was accompanied by loud laughter from the audience. When everything has already been decided for the deputies and voters, all that remains is to have fun.

Here are some of the statements of Vladimir Zhirinovsky found on the Runet:

• “We must force the government to stop this flight of birds! No more flights north! Let them stay in the south! "
• “Let our people smoke! Smoking and drinking every day for everyone is the only salvation so that there are fewer suicides. Stop smoking - everyone will be hanged ",
• “There should be three roads for young people: universities, barracks, stadiums and, in extreme cases, monasteries. And it is necessary to drive everyone there, ”
• “Meat is a very harmful product. People in the Liberal Democratic Party do not smoke, they do not drink alcohol. Now we will still impose vegetarian food on the members of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia ”,
• “Let's do our own thing, including contraceptives... Ours are ugly, but more durable and reliable. "

On the eve of the parliament's departure for holidays, the United Russia party underwent some restructuring. At the IX Congress of the party, it was decided to intensify the internal party discussion. The congress approved the Charter of three political clubs - the Center for Social Conservative Politics, the Liberal Conservative Club of Political Action "November 4", the State Patriotic Club. According to analysts, the registration of such clubs may indicate the formation of an opposition in our political system.

The opposition is a part of society that pursues a policy of opposing the dominant position. The word opposition (from Latin oppositia - opposition) is a way of opposing some political views, ideas, actions, other political views and actions. Based on this definition, an opposition party is a group of individuals within a society, organization, party or collective that opposes the authorities.

In Russia, the opposition appeared in 1989 with the registration of the Interregional Deputy Group, then the creation in 1990 of the Democratic Platform in the then only party in the country - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the formation of the anti-communist movement "Democratic Russia". In Russian politics of the 1990s - early 2000s, the opposition was represented by successively successors of the parties "Russia's Choice", "Democratic Choice of Russia", the Union of Right Forces (SPS), later the Yabloko party, which, along with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) in different periods claimed the status of political opposition.

Until 2003, along with the “party of power”, opposition parties of right and left orientation and national patriots were constantly elected to the federal parliament. But already in 2003, some representatives of the left opposition to the APR (3.64%) and the right - the social-liberal opposition “Yabloko” (4.3%); the radical liberal opposition - the Union of Right Forces (3.97%) did not make it to parliament, without overcoming 5%, and could not form their factions in the Duma. Thus, the overall percentage of opposition members in the representative body of power has decreased.

On September 21-25, 2007, Yuri Levada's analytical center (Levada Center) conducted a survey on which parties could be called oppositional. The poll was conducted among 1,600 Russians. The statistical error of such surveys does not exceed 3%.

In second place in the ranking is prohibited National Bolshevik Party Eduard Limonov. 40% of respondents called it oppositional, 14% - noted that the "Limonovites" are not opponents of the current government, and another 46% - found it difficult to answer.

In third place - the game of Grigory Yavlinsky - "Apple", which is considered oppositional by 36% of respondents. At the same time, more than half of the survey participants think otherwise, or find it difficult to determine her political position.

People's Democratic Union Mikhail Kasyanov is considered oppositional only by 28% of Russians, 21% - believe that this political force is loyal to the current government. More than half (51%) of the respondents found it difficult to determine the political position of Kasyanov's party.

As for the Liberal Democratic Party and Fair Russia, whose leaders in their statements constantly emphasize their opposition, Russians generally do not consider these parties to be opponents of the current government. In particular, 39% of survey participants noted that the Liberal Democratic Party is not in opposition, although 34% of respondents think otherwise.

The part of Sergei Mironov "Fair Russia" only 23% of Russians call it opposition, and 36% believe that the Social Revolutionaries are loyal to the current government. At the same time, 41% found it difficult to determine the political position of the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). Political Party. It was formed on the basis of the public-political association "Communist Party of the Russian Federation", established on February 13-14, 1993. It was transformed into a political party on January 19, 2002 at the VIII Extraordinary Congress. Registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on March 6, 2002. Formed on the initiative of the communists, the primary organizations of the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the CPSU, the "Communist Party of the Russian Federation" continues the cause of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, being their ideological successor.

The party is in opposition to the political and socio-economic course of the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of Russia. It has 57 seats in the State Duma.

The party chairman is Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov.

Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR)

Political Party. It was formed on the basis of the social and political organization of the same name, established on March 31, 1990 (in fact, the party has existed since 1988, the first name is the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union). Transformed into a political party in accordance with the law "On political parties of the Russian Federation" on December 13, 2001 at the XIII Congress.

The chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party - Vladimir Volfovich ZHIRINOVSKY.

Until 1994, the Supreme Council was the governing body of the party. The V Congress of the Liberal Democratic Party, held on April 2, 1994, granted Zhirinovsky the right to single-handedly form the composition of the Supreme Council of the Liberal Democratic Party. By decisions of a number of congresses, V. Zhirinovsky was delegated the right of unlimited and permanent leadership of the party. At the 17th LDPR Congress (December 13, 2005), Vladimir Zhirinovsky was re-elected Chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia for a new four-year term.

The main task of the party is to build, by constitutional methods, a legal, socially-oriented state with a multi-structured economy and guaranteed realization of civil rights and freedoms. The State Duma has 40 seats.

"Russian Democratic Party" Yabloko "

Political Party. Formed on the basis of the all-Russian political public organization"Association" Yabloko "(in 1993 the electoral bloc" Yabloko "was created, since January 1995 - the all-Russian public organization" Association "Yabloko", since 1998 - OPOO "Association" Yabloko "). The decision to transform the organization into a party was adopted at the X Congress of the movement, which took place on December 22-23, 2001.

Registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on May 22, 2002. The governing body is the Central Council.

The chairman of the party until 2008 - YAVLINSKY Grigory Alekseevich, since 2008 - MITROKHIN Sergey

Political party "Union of Right Forces" (SPS) is the legal successor of the All-Russian political public organization "Political Party" Union of Right Forces ", reorganized in accordance with the Federal Law" On Political Parties "into a political party.

The Union of Right Forces was founded in 2001. One of the co-founders of the Union of Right Forces was the Democratic Choice of Russia party, which has been leading its history since 1994. The party was registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on March 12, 2002.

The Union of Right Forces defends liberal principles in politics and economics. Liberal economic reforms, which resulted in the transformation of the Soviet economy into a market economy, are associated with the names of SPS members Yegor Gaidar and Anatoly Chubais.

The purpose of the "Union of Right Forces": the establishment of a civil society and a democratic rule of law in Russia, the implementation of the constitutional principles of federalism and local self-government; promoting the values ​​of democracy and liberalism.

The governing bodies of the Union of Right Forces according to the Charter are: Party Congress, Party Council, Federal Political Council. The general political leadership of the Party is exercised by the Federal Political Council and the Chairman of the Federal Political Council.

The chairman of the Federal Political Council is Nikita BELYKH.

In the State Duma of the third convocation, the SPS party was represented by a faction (chairman - Boris Nemtsov (since March 23, 2000, earlier - Sergei Kirienko)). In the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the SPS party did not pass, having received 3.97% of the votes in the elections on December 7, 2003).

Immediately after the failure of the Union of Right Forces in the parliamentary elections, the party leaders signed a letter of resignation. On January 24, 2004, the party congress accepted the resignation of the co-chairmen of the Union of Right Forces Yegor Gaidar, Boris Nemtsov, Anatoly Chubais, Irina Khakamada. On January 25, they were all elected by secret ballot to a new political council.

On May 28, 2005, Perm Vice-Governor Nikita Belykh was elected Chairman of the Union of Right Forces, and Leonid Gozman, member of the Board of RAO "UES of Russia" and Secretary of the Political Council of the Union of Right Forces, was elected Deputy Chairman.

National Bolshevik Party (NBP)

Interregional public association... Founded in 1993, on January 23, 1997, registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. On December 16, 1998, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation refused to re-register.

Supreme body: Congress. Governing bodies: Party Council.

Head: Chairman Eduard Veniaminovich Savenko (pseudonym - Eduard Limonov).

NBP conducts human rights activities, cooperates with liberal, democratic, Bolshevik, as well as some moderately nationalist organizations. Participates in all major events of the radical opposition and holds its own rallies, processions, propaganda rock concerts. The party does not take part in the parliamentary and presidential elections, since the NBP has a "negative attitude" towards the elections.

From 1998 to the present, the National Bolshevik Party has been refused registration as a political party on several occasions.

On November 15, 2005, by the decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, the Interregional community group"NBP".

On April 19, 2007, the Moscow City Court recognized the NBP as an extremist organization and banned its activities on the territory of the Russian Federation.

On August 7, 2007, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation recognized the NBP as an extremist organization and, accordingly, its activities were banned on the territory of the Russian Federation. So it became the only banned party in Russia. The NBP then in its entirety entered the opposition coalition "Other Russia".

Party members who in modern political jargon are called "Limonovites" or "National Bolsheviks" are formally considered not members of the NBP, but simply National Bolsheviks, "Limonovites" and are still part of the Other Russia coalition.

"Other Russia"- opposition public association in Russia, operating since 2006. It aims to achieve a change in the existing political regime using legal methods of political struggle. The Other Russia coalition brings together representatives of various political and human rights movements, as well as individual citizens.

On December 16, 2006, the first united action of the Other Russia, the March of Dissent, was held in Moscow. This name was first used by Garry Kasparov in 2005 during an all-Russian action.

On July 3, 2007, former Prime Minister of Russia, leader of the Russian People's Democratic Union (RNDS) Mikhail Kasyanov announced the termination of cooperation with the Other Russia coalition. According to Kasyanov, disagreements within the Other Russia concern the procedure for determining a single candidate for the presidency of Russia. The ex-prime minister, nominated in early June 2007 for the presidency from the RNDS, insisted that a single candidate should be determined through negotiations between potential candidates. The leader of the United Civil Front (UGF) Garry Kasparov, on the contrary, stated that the nomination procedure should be as democratic and open as possible.

In October 2007, the Central Election Commission refused to register the Other Russia parliamentary list. The reason for this was the provision of the law, according to which only registered political parties can nominate candidates for deputy.

All-Russian social movement"Russian People's Democratic Union"

On July 1, 2006, a congress of the movement took place. The interregional movement "People's Democratic Union" was reorganized into the All-Russian public movement "Russian People's Democratic Union". Mikhail Kasyanov was re-elected chairman of the movement.

The second congress of the movement took place on June 1-2, 2007 in Moscow. The program of the Russian People's Democratic Union was adopted. The congress decided to nominate M. Kasyanov as a candidate for the post of the President of the Russian Federation.

According to the organizers, now branches of the movement have been created in 54 regions of the Russian Federation.

On July 3, 2007, in Nizhny Novgorod, a meeting of the organizing committee for the creation of a new party "People for Democracy and Justice" (VAT) was held. K. Merzlikin was elected the chairman of the organizing committee.

Party "Fair Russia: Homeland / Pensioners / Life" (SRRPZH)

A unification congress was held on October 28, 2006 Russian party life (RPZh), the Russian Party of Pensioners (RPP) and the Rodina party. Their delegates voted to unite and create a new political party - "Fair Russia: Homeland / Pensioners / Life".

The goal of the new A Just Russia party is to ensure social security of citizens so that Russia can become “the fairest state in the world”.

On November 28, 2006, the party "Fair Russia: Homeland. Pensioners. Life" was officially registered with the Federal Registration Service of the Russian Federation (Rosregistratsiya).

Chairman of the party - Speaker of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation Sergei Mironov.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources

LDPR - "Liberal Democratic Party of Russia" is an officially registered opposition political party in the Russian Federation. Is the direct successor of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union, created December 13, 1989... Thus, the LDPR has been on the political arena for 28 years. The term is not short, therefore, on the eve of the presidential campaign, in which the leader of the party V. Zhirinovsky has already expressed a desire to participate, it is worth dwelling on some issues: who and why created the party, what are its successes and what distinguishes it from other parties, especially the past to the last Duma? And why do we need parties financed by taxpayers in the country?

Liberal Democratic Party is the oldest Russian political party. It is one of three parties that participated in the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of all seven convocations, and one of two parties that always received representation in the lower house of Parliament following the election results.

In the political spectrum, the Liberal Democratic Party takes the position of "centrism", the main ideological components of the party's program are patriotism, Russian nationalism, popular Pan-Slavic liberalism and democratic statism.

Established during the Soviet era, the party's history goes back a little less than 30 years. The Liberal Democratic Party unites about 200 thousand party members, and millions of voters who vote for it in elections at all levels.

This is the official information available in the public domain.

We also wrote about this party more than once (http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/ and http: //inance.ru/2015/09/finan ...), nevertheless, some aspects of the LDPR's activities are worth sharpen your attention.

How did the Liberal Democratic Party come about?

The history of the modern Russian party system is not very long. Its actual starting point is the beginning of the split in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1988. Parties and movements multiplied and liquidated, merged and revived. During the period described, party construction often acquired a chaotic character. In fact, every politician preferred to create his own pocket party and, using it as a resource, only then negotiate with colleagues who are close to him in views, opportunistic or simply negotiable colleagues.

In that period, in addition to the ideocratic - liberal and communist (traditionalist) parties, there were already exclusively "project" parties. Including very successful ones. An example of the success of the project party is the LDPR, which was created in December 1989 and had the original name of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS).

Marginal notes

Anatoly Kulik identifies four broad types of parties as follows:

Programming parties- these are parties with a clear platform, adopted with a certain observance of internal party democracy, which its leadership follows and which is constantly presented to society. The Communist Party and Yabloko are the best examples of program parties.

Project parties- parties that are usually created shortly before the elections as part of the hidden strategy of competing "elite" groups. The classic project party was the left-wing patriotic Rodina in the 2003 elections, conceived to take votes from the communists.

Regime parties- parties sponsored by the government, representing the system itself. They are sponsored by the ruling group to strengthen their power, created to manipulate and shape political space, and in some cases to act as the so-called "party of power." In 1995, Our Home is Russia (NDR) was an early and underdeveloped prototype, but Unity turned out to be more successful in the 1999 elections, as did its successor United Russia in 2003 and 2007.

Spoiler parties- parties that have little chance of achieving success on their own and which are conceived to bring confusion into a certain political niche and to take votes from opposition groups. (Political Science No 4/2010 - "Political parties, democracy and the quality of public administration in modern societies").

LDPR - KGB project

The first deputy chairman of the KGB of the USSR, General of the Army F.Bobkov, and the closest associate of M. Gorbachev, A. Yakovlev, openly wrote about the creation of the LDPR as a project. The party was created for the "selection" of the liberal, which did not work, and, to a greater extent, of the protest electorate, which, in general, was successful. Moreover, one can hardly talk about the ideology of the Liberal Democratic Party and its leader. An indirect proof of this already at that time was the ideological "evolution" of V. Zhirinovsky himself. It is widely known that initially V. Zhirinovsky was a member of the radical Democratic Union, whose political position is not only close to the platform of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, but also diametrically opposite to it. Such a sharp "evolution" fits well into the hypothesis of the "project" style of political activity of the Liberal Democrats. The project party demonstrated its strength in 1993, gaining 22.92% of the vote and taking first place in the federal district.

Thus, the party elite of the 1980s, many of whom were "agents of influence" of the West, preparing the controlled collapse of the USSR, created a controlled "opposition."

About how the LDPR was created, writes Alexander Yakovlev (1923 - 2005), ideologist and architect of the so-called "Perestroika" and liberal post-Soviet reforms, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1987 - 1990, in the book "Twilight : Reflections on the fate of Russia "(Alexander Yakovlev. - 2nd ed., Supplemented and revised. - M.: Materik, 2005. - 672 p. - ISBN 5-85646-147-9).

We wrote about this in the article "Mister X of Russian Politics: Zhirinovsky, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Kremlin" (http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/). This is confirmed by the memoirs of the Chairman of the KGB N. Kryuchkov (https: //jasonbourn.livejournal ...).

The general conclusion is obvious. Today, most parties (from United Russia to the Liberal Democratic Party) are party formations that are easier to describe through leaderism, which in Western political science is described as client relationships.

Marginal notes

Clientelism - (lat. Cliens - ward) is a model of the political structuring of society, based on a special type of relationship between a leader (patron) and his followers (clients) - his loyal or dependent supporters. It manifests itself in the form of personal clientele (lat. - clientela) - personal "teams" of individual leaders, as well as clientelized institutions, political and financial groups (from large enterprises, financial and economic structures to government bodies) relying on patronage and client connections. The main characteristics of such groups are the closed and hierarchical structure, as well as the informal nature of interaction in the struggle for the right to control resources.

In Russian speaking, today each party is a bag of money, around which a group is formed with a leader at the head, sometimes even without a leader. The main thing is to promote the interests of “who is dancing the girl,” which for some reason is not written about in politically correct definitions.

POCKET OPPOSITION

In the regular elections to the State Duma held on September 18, 2016, the LDPR almost took second place, gaining 13.14% of the vote and losing only two tenths of a percent to the Communists. The party is especially proud of the fact that it almost did not lose voters in absolute numbers: in these elections a little less than seven million people voted for it, in the previous parliamentary elections in 2011 - just over seven and a half million (while United Russia lost four million voters, and the Communist Party - and even five and a half).

According to political analysts, the voter has become disillusioned with all parties and is not ready to support new party projects, such as the Rodina and the Party of Growth parties. The people now do not distinguish between parliamentary parties, and not parliamentary ones either. For people it is already the same that "United Russia", that the Communist Party, that "Fair Russia" or the Liberal Democratic Party.

There are no surprises, all this was predicted at the start - the same four parliamentary parties.

The low turnout in Moscow and St. Petersburg is an indicator that people do not believe that the State Duma can decide something: lately it has been working in the "What will you please?" An analysis of the positions of the majority of active participants in these parties reveals that the positions of the current government and the positions of the parliamentary opposition on key political issues almost completely coincide.

WHY IS THE LDPR NOT AN OPPOSITION PARTY?

There are eight signs that the parliamentary opposition in Russia is not opposition in the literal sense of the word. This applies equally to the Liberal Democratic Party.

1. The nature of power

The nature of power is the same for both the representatives of the current government and the opposition. This is the power of the "elites". There are those who know what to do, and there are people who must follow the instructions of the new leaders. Probably, we will say the obvious thing, but we have already forgotten this obvious thing in recent years. Political parties are not needed at all to fight for power: political parties are needed in order for the government to take into account the interests of all significant groups.

2. Democracy

Everyone swears in democracy, but no one is going to build it. If, of course, one understands democracy as a real democracy, and not as was customary in Ancient Greece: democracy is for free citizens (demos) of polis, and for slaves - slavery.

3. Elections

Some representatives of the authorities in Russia believe that there should be fewer elections in Russia, while representatives of the systemic opposition believe that there should be more elections. But the fact that the elections should be preserved in their current form, in this the opposition and the authorities are united. The opposition does not offer anything innovative, except how to "learn to win in dishonest elections."

4.Parties

The existing party system is a form of the most effective alienation of a political resource from a citizen. On this issue in relation to the people, the ruling and opposition groups are united.

5. People

The people in Russia are not the subject of politics. This is what the intra-elite consensus is based on. The appeal to the people, both from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party, "Fair Russia", and from the liberal parties, is exclusively propagandistic in nature. Without exception, all existing parties in elections need an electorate, not a people.

It should be noted that the population of our country has not yet grown to be called a people, since the people differ from the population in that they are capable of generating conceptual power, that is, they are managerially competent in their majority, which we do not yet have anywhere near.

6. Constitution of the Russian Federation

7. Institute of the President

The institution of the President is the ultimate dream for any oppositionist, as it were, a presidential candidate, and dreams of "absolute power". And even representatives of those political structures that talk about a parliamentary republic in Russia do not harshly deny the institution of the President.

8. Lack of an exciting dream about the future of Russia

This is the main complaint against the current "elites". They can ardently curse America, Ukraine, Islam, Putin's regime, etc., but when asked: "What do you want yourself?" usually there is only a ringing emptiness - or platitudes like building the same "national state", only "good" ...

They themselves openly declare that “the representatives of the authorities do not have a single image of the future” (https: //www.rbc.ru/economics/2 ...).

Turns out that the people are the only opposition in Russia... Moreover, the people will understand what the Goncourt brothers (French writers and historians of the 19th century) noted more than a century ago:

“Ultimately, there are as many disgruntled rascals as there are satisfied rascals. The opposition is no better than the government. "

And the people will look for new effective forms of exercising their own power and protecting their own interests, not trusting those who only imitate concern for the people. And what can oppose the “horizontal of the people” to the “vertical of power” today? Only their own conceptual authority and their own will, aimed at its implementation in the practice of life against all imitations in Russia: both imitation of power and imitation of opposition.

We offer you to watch the video “Danger of fictitious opposition. Or why the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party will never come to power? ":

THE AFTERWORD

The political system in Russia is in the deepest crisis, which we saw in the regional elections in 2015 and the elections to the State Duma in 2016. The fake multiparty system has already ceased to meet the requirements of the times and voters, therefore, the dismantling of the current political system will surely begin in the country, which may gradually be replaced by another system, in which even elements of control “from below” may appear.

We are in the article "What is the opposition in Russia obliged to do?" () asked a number of leading questions, reflection on which allows us to see the usefulness of certain parties. Let's paraphrase them here:

What industry do all branches of the national economy depend on?

What are the most important social needs?

Does one of the social groups express the interests of the working majority?

What interests do other social groups reflect?

What kind of opposition will be useful in orienting society, its statehood and the state to meet these needs and interests?

For our answers to these questions, see the mentioned article - http://inance.ru/2017/08/oppoz .... We strongly advise you to read this entire article.

To once again be convinced of the low efficiency of the political system of Russia, we suggest that you familiarize yourself with the interview of V.F. Zhirinovsky in honor of the 28th anniversary of the Liberal Democratic Party (https: //www.kompravda.eu/radio ...). As always, there are many words, but the main thing is not said: what has the LDPR achieved for the country's residents? And what is the meaning of its existence?

December 13, 1989 is not only the date of the creation of the party, it is also the anniversary of the Russian multi-party system, since the LDPR became the first officially registered alternative to the CPSU.

Today it seems symbolic that the founding congress of the party took place on April 1. The name also makes it look frivolous: why, but it never had the slightest relation to liberalism.

After the 1993 Duma elections, in which the Liberal Democratic Party achieved a sensational result, one professor at Moscow State University asked the students whom they had just supported, and was horrified when he heard that many voted "for Zhirinovsky": how could you ?!

"And for fun!" - answered the youth.

If nothing depends on citizens anyway, and they do not really want to think and take responsibility, why not arrange entertainment from the elections?

According to observers, there are two secrets of the LDPR's success: simple recipes in the spirit of "everyone is fooling your head, and we believe that the best way to solve any issue is to take it, and even to solve it", and the leader, without whom the party, most likely, at all would not have taken place.

In the 1990s, the LDPR seriously claimed a share of the political spectrum, filling an authoritarian-imperial niche. Nowadays others are successfully working in this field.

Therefore, two functions remain: to create a favorable backdrop for the Kremlin and United Russia, which, compared to Zhirinovsky and his party, are easy to look moderate, and to entertain the public by adding a bit of diversity to the dull and 100% predictable political life.

Perhaps the best, succinctly and clearly, defined the role of Zhirinovsky by Russian President Vladimir Putin:

"Lights up beautifully!"

The speech of the LDPR leader that provoked this reaction at the meeting of the deputy corps with the president in Crimea (http://www.bbc.com/russian/int...), as noted by the Russian media, was accompanied by loud laughter from the audience. When everything has already been decided for the deputies and voters, all that remains is to have fun.

Here are some of the statements of Vladimir Zhirinovsky found on the Runet:

“We must force the government to stop this flight of birds! No more flights north! Let them stay in the south! "
“Let our people smoke! Smoking and drinking every day for everyone is the only salvation so that there are fewer suicides. Stop smoking - everyone will be hanged ",
“There should be three roads for young people: universities, barracks, stadiums and, in extreme cases, monasteries. And it is necessary to drive everyone there, ”
“Meat is a very harmful product. People in the Liberal Democratic Party do not smoke, they do not drink alcohol. Now we will still impose vegetarian food on the members of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia ”,
“Let's do our own thing, including contraceptives. Ours are ugly, but more durable and reliable. "