Parties with a nationalist orientation. RNU: history, main program provisions, methods of work. How did Russian nationalists appear and where are they going Nationalist parties and organizations

The line between patriotism and nationalism is sometimes very unclear. From hypertrophied love for one's own people to hatred to others - one step. Nazism, also called Hitlerism and Fascism, became an extreme form of nationalism. This plague of the 20th century brought the peoples of the world an unprecedented number of disasters and victims in history. It would seem that after 1945, the issue of national exclusivity has been removed from the agenda forever. But the habit of repeating mistakes among humanity is ineradicable. Attempts to establish the preferential rights of the indigenous population are being made in different countries, including those who suffered huge losses during the Second World War. In the Baltics, Moldova, Ukraine and other republics of the former Soviet Union, after the collapse of the USSR, radical nationalists are gaining significant popularity. Russia, with its multi-confessional and diverse population, it would seem, racial ideas should be alien. But there are also nationalist parties here.

Ideological base

The historical conditions in which Russia found itself after the collapse of communism have a number of similarities with those in which Germany found itself after the conclusion of the Versailles Peace Treaty. In both cases, the rules imposed from the outside proved to be humiliating. The population, mostly educated and hardworking, was plunged into poverty. The Russian nationalists of the end of the twentieth century did not come up with anything new - they, like the National Socialists of Germany, pointed out quite obvious problems, while offering the simplest and seemingly effective way to resolve them. At the same time, the reasons for the catastrophic situation of the native country were sought exclusively outside its borders, and if the culprits were inside it, then they were exclusively foreigners.

Slogans and banner

The symbolism of Russian nationalists also speaks of the continuity of ideologies. It is a set of stylized runic signs, to one degree or another showing similarities with the swastika.

People and nationalism

There are at least two reasons for the doom of Russian nationalism.

First, the peculiarities of education in the spirit of friendship between peoples, adopted in the USSR and having pre-revolutionary roots. In tsarist Russia, there were, of course, Black Hundred organizations and political forces, but even then they were not very popular.

Secondly, the personal life experience of almost any sober-minded person plays against nationalism. As it accumulates and with age, people understand that personal qualities are more important than the notorious "fifth column", and any calls to beat or humiliate their own kind because of hair color or nose shape do not meet with mass understanding.

All this depresses the champions of ethnic purity and racial superiority. It seems to them that the people have again fallen into the wrong one, as a result, many of them abandon their convictions and abandon further struggle. Others generally become Russophobes.

Why a Russian nationalist can hate Russians

A convinced nationalist (even Russian, Ukrainian or Moldovan) thinks in lofty categories. Not even centuries - millennia - pass before his mind's eye. The peoples move somewhere, fight among themselves and seize more and more territories, the strongest wins, in fact proving his own superiority, mainly by force. The way of thinking of an ordinary citizen, contemptuously called by these romantics “the philistine”, is very different from the product of the passionary thinking of an “ideological fighter”. He is interested in much more mundane categories, for example, how to raise his children, where to find a job to his liking and to get paid more, and the like. It is not enough for hunters to die and suffer for the idea of ​​racial purity, and not only in Russia. Therefore, each combat organization Russian nationalists relies on young people - it is they who serve as the social base of any extremist structure. A youth that does not know life, with the appropriate ideological pumping, is capable of cruelty to a greater extent than maturity. And the majority of the population for these ideas "is not mature enough." Nationalists do not like their own people, mainly for their unwillingness to support them.

Nationalism and émigré movements

Most of the first wave of emigrants who left the camp after the October Revolution of 1917 were decent people. There was, however, a certain stratum among them, consisting of supporters of the overthrow of the communist government at any cost, even if this would require fighting with its own people on the side of the invaders. Some of the leaders of the White emigration made an unsuccessful attempt to implement this idea in 1941-1945.

Germanophilism as a form of Russian nationalism

In addition to them, there were (and are) adherents of the theory of the belonging of the Russian (again, the original) ethnos to the Aryan Nordic race. At the same time, Russian nationalists are not embarrassed by the numerous Slavophobic statements of the leaders of Nazi Germany, they are above these small details. Even more strange is the fact that among the admirers of the "gloomy Germanic genius" there are many who cannot be attributed to the Aryans even in the most crude approximation. What unites this "mishpukha" is, again, contempt for the Russian people and annoyance that "they give us little lumps."

Leaders

Every time a regular march of Russian nationalists takes place in the capital or other big city, the column is led by one of the leaders of the movement, and sometimes there are several of them. If in Germany or Italy in the 1920s, the charisma of the leader played an important role, then on the present stage this quality seems to have lost its former significance. Nationalist movements are led by people who are not distinguished by either intelligence or eloquence. They try to compensate for the lack of personal charm and the lack of general development with rudeness and shocking. Given this state of affairs, not a single party of Russian nationalists (and there are several of them in the country) has no serious chances not only of victory, but also of success or popularity.

History of the Nationalist Party:
The history of the Party of Nationalists is inextricably linked with the history of the Russian March, which began in 2005, which in subsequent years was rich in events and passed through the core of all Russian nationalism in Russia, then in 2012, some of the organizers of the Russian March in Moscow decided to establish the Party of Nationalists. was the project of a new type of party, a party that seeks to build new Russia focused on national culture and tradition. In 2013, the Congress of the Nationalist Party was prepared, but at the last moment by the forces of the special services of the Russian Federation, the Congress was disrupted. Further, the organizing committee of the Party of Nationalists and regional offices for several years they were engaged in political activities under the auspices of various public organizations. The main organizers of the Russian March: Alexander Belov and Dmitry Demushkin by the beginning of 2017 were in prison on trumped-up cases, Alexander Belov was arrested in November 2014, and Dmitry Demushkin in October 2016. In 2016, Dimtri Demushkin announced his intention to start a new registration of the Party of Nationalists, Dmitry Demushkin and was the initiator of the re-registration of the party.

In February 2017, the renewed organizing committee of the Russian March, which included new nationalist figures and a number of figures past years, documents were submitted for registration of the organizing committee of the Party of Nationalists. In fact, the organizing committee of the Party of Nationalists has existed since 2012, and then the history of the party goes into the history of the Russian March and the history of those public associations from which the organizers of the Russian March came, and this is the 2000s, and the 90s, and the 80s, and the 70s. The Nationalist Party is inextricably linked with the entire history of nationalism in Russia.

In 2017, the Nationalist Party took part in all significant protest events in Russia, organized Opposition Walks, Anti-Crisis Rally, Russian May Day 2017, Russian March 2017, Occupy Manezhka and the Kremlin, participated in the protests on March 26 and June 12, participated and took organizational roles in all rallies and processions that were for free internet, against the renovation of five-story buildings, against repression. In the spring of 2017, the Nationalist Party established the Institute of National Policy to develop bills, to provide legal and legal assistance. In 2017, the Nationalist Party nominated candidates for municipal elections in Moscow and the regions, incl. the co-chairman of the party - Ivan Beletsky. In the summer, the number of party branches in the Russian Federation reached 40 branches in 34 regions of the country. In July 2017, Ivan Beletsky left the territory of the Russian Federation due to criminal prosecutions and subsequently Beletsky applied for political asylum in Ukraine, many international organizations recognized Ivan Beletsky as politically persecuted on the territory of the Russian Federation, incl. recognized by the UNHCR. While abroad, Beletsky continued to lead the party. In the fall of 2017, a criminal case was opened against 11 members of the organizing committee of the Party of Nationalists in relation to the continuation of the activities of a banned extremist organization in the Russian Federation - EPO Russians, the investigation tried to prove that the Party of Nationalists continues the activities of EPO Russians. Most of the organizing committee was forced to move away from the active political activities... More than 70 information resources of the party in social networks: VKontakte, Odnoklassniki and the party's websites were banned by the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation on the territory of the Russian Federation, Beletsky's personal pages were also banned. While abroad, Beletsky formed a new leadership of the party and the party continued its active political struggle. In early 2018, the Nationalist Party supported Alexei Navalny as a candidate in the presidential elections. After he was not admitted to the elections, she actively supported the boycott of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, organizing and participating in numerous political actions.

History of the Russian March:
In 2005, the idea of ​​holding a pro-Kremlin holiday, the "Day of National Unity", came up in the government offices in order to block November 7th. A program with duty events was hastily invented, including a hastily cobbled together duty procession. Staff member Dugin and his ECM were instructed to do this. However, the organizers of the "Right March 2005" got an effect that they themselves did not expect - thousands of nationalists, skinheads and radicals called up by the Slavic Union (now banned in the Russian Federation) unexpectedly came out to the first hastily prepared march, who formed a picture of the whole procession. They tried to prevent D. Demushkin from joining the march, squeezing out from the first organizing committee assembled on the initiative of the "Eurasians", but thanks to the radicals, the nationalists managed to completely seize the march and force the authorities to abandon it. The Right March was captured, turning from a Kremlin action into a Russian March. Instead of the slogans of the authorities and the march on duty, the streets of Moscow were blown up by the slogans of Russian nationalists. At the same time, a new young movement against illegal immigration (DPNI) (now banned in the Russian Federation) entered the scene.

The result of the march was monstrous for the organizers from the Kremlin. Photos of nationalists and radicals under the flag of the Slavic Union (now banned in the Russian Federation) then went around all the newspapers in Russia and around the world! This caused a shock in the corridors of power, and the initiators themselves cursed their own holiday, refusing to hold processions.

Russian March 2006:
After the failure and scandal of 2005, the 2006 march was categorically banned by the authorities, thousands of police officers and law enforcement agencies were pulled in, large-scale operations were carried out to detain nationalist leaders, on the eve of the day of "unity" special measures and searches took place throughout Moscow and the region in order to seize flags , paraphernalia and banners. But people got out having gathered at the junction station of the Komsomolskaya metro station. After the stampede and the threat of blocking the metro and exits to train stations, the authorities were forced to let a lot of people into the rally. The march took place in a truncated format.
D. Demushkin with five deputies was criminally detained by officers of the Organized Crime Control Department and was forcibly held on the outskirts of Moscow, and most of the paraphernalia was intercepted. The hero of the march was Alexander Belov, who took two megaphones and spoke at the rally from all those detained and beaten that day.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2007:
The authorities changed their tactics: not wanting to start a massacre again, they allowed us to hold the Russian march, in a corral, on the deserted embankment of Taras Shevchenko, blocking all approaches, and preventing any mention of the march in the media. They hoped that the information blockade would not give Muscovites the opportunity to learn about the march and take part in it, and the idea would disappear by itself. But again, the calculation was not justified - thousands of people came to the march and brought hundreds of photos and video cameras with them, and the whole country was watching in social networks. networks filmed, exchanging links. Since 2007, the Republic of Moldova began to march across the regions, giving birth to a new tradition. The marches began to take place not only in Moscow, but also in other cities.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2008:
The authorities, seeing how the Russian march is becoming the main holiday of nationalists - the day of the Russian nationalist throughout the country, made another forceful attempt to break us by force. All 20 applications of our comrades-in-arms for holding the march were rejected, while the spoiler march "Russian Image" by Ilya Goryachev was allowed, then he collaborated with the Kremlin, Sergei Baburin with his tail Igor Artyomov. They agreed it on the condition not to allow the organizers of the march D. Demushkin and A. Belov and the associates of the Slavic Union and DPNI (now banned). The authorities again tried to turn this march into a patriotic red procession.
A real hunt for the organizers of the RM began in a few weeks, D. Demushkin was hiding in the suburbs for two weeks, spending the night in cars, changing communications, continuing to organize and prepare. Alexander Belov was taken to the hospital, from where he fled, organizing an escape together with D. Demushkin on the eve of the march.
The Russian march was led by D. Demushkin and led him in the opposite direction from the planned, but blocked route. The authorities staged a provocation, first dispersed the crowd of people along the Arbat, and then suddenly blocked traffic.
The Russian march went to the Arbat, forcibly breaking through the cordon of the riot police, proclaiming this day RUSSIAN. It was the bloodiest march, remembered for the most massive detention of citizens. Several thousand people were beaten and detained, dozens of judicial stations throughout Moscow wrote sentences, administrative arrests and fines for three days day and night, but then we defended our right forever. D. Dyomushkin was recognized as the only organizer of the Republic of Moldova by a court verdict, which later helped in the fight against "OURists" who wanted to intercept the phrase, reducing it to nothing - in our fight it is like copyright.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2009:
The first march in Lyublino - the authorities allowed the Russian march to be held on the outskirts of Moscow, not wanting to repeat the massacre, when photographs with beatings of girls, children and youth went around the world. The authorities themselves determined the place, offering it to D. Dyomushkin and he agreed, realizing that the crowded outskirts of Moscow are better than the central, but not inhabited embankments. The authorities tried to confuse people, conducting in parallel at VDNKh a false Russian march organized by the "OUR" movement, and on Bolotnaya Square - a concert organized by the same "Russian image" by the same Ilya Goryachev.
But this did not help - more than 10 thousand Russian nationalists came to Lyublino, the Russian March became traditional and won its right to life. At the same time he passed through all large cities Russia.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2010:
The Russian March in Lyublino gathered more than 12 thousand participants and was remembered for its professional organization and concert. Also Russian Marches were held in 40 more cities of our country. RM-2010 was recognized as the largest nationalist action in the world! It was attended by representatives of a dozen nationalist movements and parties in Europe and America.
The Slavic Union (now banned in the Russian Federation) on the eve of the march was banned by the authorities, becoming the first nationalist organization banned in the Russian Federation in a civil process. His place was taken by the Slavic Power movement (now banned in the Russian Federation).

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2011:
He collected more than 15 thousand people in Moscow alone, and according to some estimates, more than 20 thousand. I was remembered by a huge number of women, children and ordinary people. On the Russian march, the comrades-in-arms ceased to be afraid to bring their wives, children, relatives and colleagues. He has ceased to be associated with violence. Fights and breakouts of riot police cordons are a thing of the past. It became a truly popular day - the day of the Russian Nationalist. Which carries a mission, involving new people in RUSSIAN NATIONALISM. Thousands of companions throughout Russia began to associate themselves with nationalism precisely through the Russian March. RM has become the most famous and recognizable action among the residents of Russia. Alexei Navalny and many oppositionists spoke at the march.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2012:
Collected according to the organizers in Moscow alone, 25 thousand people. Becoming the largest and most well-organized nationalist event in the world. RM-2012 was held in 70 cities of Russia, in Moscow alone, more than three thousand nationalist flags were raised on it, and a hundred banners were used. Thousands of articles have been published in the media around the world. Millions of people saw the information, videos and photos that we posted on YouTube alone, video clips with Russian marches were watched by more than 16 million people from all over the world (!)
RM 2012 is our most representative March. For the first time in Moscow, the procession dedicated to the liberation of the capital from the invaders was canceled - the organizers decided to unite it with the Russian March. The columns of the Russian March united everyone: National Socialists, Imperials, Orthodox Christians, Rodnovers, National Democrats, skinheads, fans of all clubs, bikers, street racers, Cossacks, all kinds of nationalists and radicals. This day has become a celebration of unity for us, for those who put the good of the Russian people above all else. As a result, despite the success, envious, pro-Kremlinists and misleading bloggers rushed to write orders about RM, vying with each other about its failure, about the fact that it was exhausted, about its uselessness and irrelevance, etc. But to everyone who is not blind, it is obvious that they are fighting exactly what to fear and what worries the enemies of our people. Blog posts and forums, as well as the fragmented Russian movement, do not bother anyone.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2013:
It took place again on the outskirts of Moscow in Lyublino and, despite the pouring rain, gathered more than 20 thousand people who were not frightened by the disgusting weather. All the participants were soaked in the pouring rain, but were satisfied. This year the Russian March became a record one, having passed in one hundred cities of Russia and the world, breaking all the past records of geography. At the end of the march, a concert of the cult right-wing band "KOLOVRAT" (many songs are now banned in the Russian Federation) took place, which recorded new songs especially for the march.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Also, the march was remembered for the destruction of the paraphernalia of the Russian March by the special services, the organizers had punctured the wheels of all cars, subjects of the traffic police the day before the march in order to transport paraphernalia and equipment. FSB officers destroyed hundreds of flags and banners.

Russian March 2014:
Was incredibly difficult to manage and reconcile. The special services and all the security forces began to exert pressure on the organizers long before the date of the event in connection with the events in Ukraine. With convictions and threats, the organizers were demanded to refuse to hold the annual march of nationalists, arguing that it was untimely and the difficult situation in Ukraine. The Moscow authorities rejected all requests from the organizers, denying both the concert and the procession itself. Officials laughed in the face of the organizers, offering to challenge their illegal actions in courts, where there was never any truth. On all TV channels and social networks, a false and dirty information campaign was unleashed against the organizers of the march. All Federal TV channels were reporting around the clock against nationalism, accusing us of all the sins of mankind.
And only the threat of the organizers, voiced in the media, is to bring the nationalists to the coordinated rally of "United Russia" in the city center. Forced the authorities to make small concessions. Only a march, without a concert, was allowed on the outskirts of Moscow in Lyublino. At the same time, the authorities approved the application with an ultimatum, having drawn it up themselves. The officials independently determined the time and place of the event, the number of participants, the goals and composition of the organizers, banning any concerts and rallies.
Having announced through the media that they had agreed on the event, they demanded that the organizers of the march accept these conditions within three days, threatening with arrest and criminal prosecution. Having issued D. Dyomushkin, three prosecutorial warnings in a row. The march turned out to be difficult and relatively few in number, but most importantly, it passed over and over again in spite of everything. And as before, it became the BIGGEST nationalist rally in a year!

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2015:
11 in a row and the most difficult of all marches that we managed to carry out. By the time it was organized, the organizers of the march were either arrested or fled from the Russian Federation. D. Demushkin was under investigation, and 10 months before the start of the march he was detained 12 times by special forces. Practically without leaving the special detention centers, serving administrative arrests every month, D. Demushkin, being in solitary confinement, under threats and a criminal case, continued to prepare the Russian March 2015.
Despite the intimidation of the security forces, pressure from the organizers, provocations and the arrest of the organizer Dmitry Demushkin.
Which, as a result of an interdepartmental operation of the security forces and a ten-day search, was detained and transported to the city of Vologda, the Russian march took place thanks to D. Demushkin's associates - Anton Powerful (for whom the approval of the march was drawn up, Anton was detained right on the march) and Yuri Gorsky, who took himself leading the march after the arrests.

Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Russian March 2016:
A very difficult year and incredibly difficult conditions for organizing the March, due to the fact that since mid-2016 the Moscow authorities have ceased to coordinate any public events and the fact that Dmitry Demushkin was under investigation all year, then under trial and constant pressure from the FSB. Two weeks before the Russian March, applications were submitted for the procession and rally; Dmitry Demushkin, Ivan Beletsky and Yuri Gorsky participated in the application.

Immediately after that, a few hours later, Dmitry Demushkin was arrested and taken to court, where a decision was made to impose house arrest on him (since then Dmitry Demushkin has not received freedom, and in April 2017 the court sentenced him to 2 years and 6 months imprisonment in a colony, on a fabricated case about a picture on the Internet). In court, Dmitry Demushkin withered that the Russian March would be conducted by Ivan Beletsky, Yuri Gorsky, Anton Powerful.

A week before the Russian March, the Regional Security Department refused to hold the March on two applications, and three days later, on thirds. In fact, the Russian March was banned. There were 4 days left until November 4, and the organizing committee of the Russian March decided to hold the March in the format of "Walks near the Kremlin" on November 4, just at the time of the opening of the monument to Vladimir near Red Square, so Plan B.

Immediately after the publication of Plan B in the media, the Regional Security Department invited the organizers and verbally agreed on the procession and rally, but did not issue a written paper. Thus, it became clear that the authorities got nervous and decided to retreat. But the written paper was issued only one and a half days before the March, thereby preventing the campaign in the media. But the Russian March took place, although in fact there was only one day to prepare. The Russian March took place with more energy than in the past 2 years, with approximately the same number, about 2000 people. On November 4, 2016, among the past events positioning themselves as nationalist, the Russian March was the most numerous. And in terms of number, the Russian March remained the largest public event of nationalists and oppositionists, until the beginning of 2017. Recall that 2016 is the year of bans and repressions, this year in a very small number of regions Russian Marches were agreed, so the Russian March 2016 in Moscow was a great Victory, for those conditions! Of the organizers, the most active were: Yuri Gorsky, who was the presenter of the rally, and Ivan Beletsky, who brought in the columns of the March and then started the crowd from the stage, proclaiming November 4 the Day of the Russian Nationalist! Glory of the Great Russian Empire!



Attention. The video was posted not for the purpose of promoting interethnic or any other hatred, but solely for the purpose of historical acquaintance with the events.

Article by Ivan Beletsky dated 01.10.2017:
What is the phenomenon of the "Russian March". A look at the history of the march and its prospects in modern Russia.

I will immediately give a link to the history of marches and what is associated with them:
Nationalism in Moscow, and in Russia as a whole, had its serious development in the early 2000s, and the authorities did not know how to control it. Nationalism initially threatened Putin's rise, then the regime did not have intelligible tools for repression and nationalist organizations gained their influence, including radical ones. Instruments of repression: CPE, the application of Articles 280, 282 began to work actively only in the late 2000s. At first, work was actively carried out on the introduction of agents and attempts to put nationalist organizations under control, these attempts had little success and therefore obvious repressions were used. But apart from repression, the FSB has always tried to split the movement and put at least some part of it under control.

In 2005, the Moscow authorities, together with the curatorial office - Dugin's Eurasian Union, came up with an attempt to take control of Moscow nationalism and decided to hold the "Right March" on November 4, 2005. It was a complete defeat and failure on the part of the office. Ultranationalists from the Slavic Union (now banned on the territory of the Russian Federation), led by Dmitry Demushkin and those organizations who were associated with the Slavic Union, broke into the march. The march got out of control, there were clashes, both among the participants and with the police. It was the birth of free will, and the Russian March was born. He was born in a clash of independent nationalists and curatorial pawns. The Russian March is a struggle for the independence of Russian nationalists, it is the birth of the day of the “Russian Nationalist”.

The next year, the DPNI (now banned on the territory of the Russian Federation) and the Slavic Union were the main initiators of the March, the Russian March, the independent March, but the authorities banned its holding, it turned out to hold the march and rally in a truncated format, there were clashes with the police. Then, the government made concessions and decided to allow the March next year. In 2008, the March was again banned and Dmitry Demushkin took people to the Arbat and the most "bloody" March was held there, there were fights, clashes with the police, a huge number of detainees. It was a popular unrest, which involved thousands and thousands of people. The end of the 2000s was marked by massive incarceration of radicals, large criminal trials. And already in the 2010s, the government began to fight against political nationalists, "pressing" radicals in the 2000s, the government took up politicians.

But the FSB stopped fighting with the "clumsy" method and began to fight more covertly: stealing flags, pressure on the organizers, damaging the organizer's cars, and so on. But the March was coordinated, and the wave went all over Russia, in the following years, thanks to the EPO Russians (now banned on the territory of the Russian Federation), the March was held in more than 100 cities at the same time. EPO Russians were headed by Dmitry Demushkin and Alexander Potkin, both are now in the dungeons of the regime, and EPO was a collection of broken organizations: DPNI and EPO Russians. In 2012, the Party of Nationalists was established, initiated by Dmitry Demushkin and Alexander Potkin. The wave went all over Russia, nationalism gained immense popularity, the task was to enter parliament and nominate their president for elections, Putin's rating fell sharply. Then, in 2012, there were clashes on Bolotnaya Square and then protests on Okupai Abbay (A direct continuation - this is the current Occupy Manege - We Occupy the Kremlin conducted by the Nationalist Party and the New Opposition). In 2012, there was the largest Russian March in history; the nationalist rally in Moscow reached 25,000 people. Already in these years, curatorial puppets made "fake" Marches, which were disastrous, gathered 200 people each, all sorts of "Russian Images", "Tsar's marches" in the metro and marches of Andrei Savelyev - the party " Great Russia"Held marches then, and are still attempting splits now.

In 2014, Putin's main gamble happened - “Crimea is ours” and the outbreak of war in Donbass. In 2012, the Putin system was bursting at the seams, there was an option that he would be removed from power after the elections, and in 2013 there was a Maidan, after which the worldview of Russian citizens sharply shifted, and there was a real feeling that it was possible to throw off Putin's slave system, as Yanukovych was thrown off. The top authorities urgently needed to turn internal problems outward, then they transferred them to the side of Ukraine, political strategists invented "Imperial Spirit", "Russian World" and all sorts of chimeras for lumpen. Then, inside Russia, the flywheel of repression began to work in full, up to a thousand sentences under Art. 282. per year, the closure and liquidation of nationalist organizations, incl. EPO Russians, further bans marches throughout Russia, landing leaders. Under the guise of a war unleashed in Donbass and "Our Crimea", which among the nationalists was called "We have roofs", began to plant everyone and everything. And most importantly, the nationalist movement has split, left-wing nationalists have sharply turned into sovkophiles and "vatniks", many of them began to openly support Putin, although they had previously opposed him. There was a watershed: right-wing nationalists abruptly went into opposition to the authorities and a dull defense, while left-wing nationalists bought into the idea of ​​"Crimea is ours" and everywhere in their organizations allowed curators to take the helm. As a result, we saw the Russian March and parallel to it, relatively speaking: "Cotton" Russian March, in the same cities there were two marches each. 2015-2016 a mass of "wadded" marches was formed. The threat of provocations from the FSB looms over the Russian nationalists, and an even greater danger is the immersion of nationalism in complete “vatniki” and control by the authorities. "Cotton movement" and hysteria in society loomed a threat over the national idea.

In October 2015, EPO Russians were banned on the territory of the Russian Federation, and after that a criminal case was opened against Dmitry Demushkin. Dmitry Demushkin was considered the main heir of the resources and ammunition of the EPO Russians, but in the spring of 2016, Vladimir Basmanov, who was always in the shadow of his brother Alexander Potkin and since 2009 was outside the territories of the Russian Federation, decided to challenge Demushkin's rights to the inheritance of the EPO Russians, the conflict continued in 2016 and 2017, at the end of 2017, the split in the movement of right-wing nationalists was aggravated by the fact that Vladimir Basmanov attracted a deliberately curatorial organization to his side. And in April 2016, Dmitry Demushkin, who was already under investigation, registered the phrase "Russian March" in order to stop the absorption of nationalism by the curatorial forces, and also planned the establishment of the Russian March Movement. In the fall of 2016, at the elections, Vyacheslav Maltsev began rhetoric about the revolution in the country, Dmitry Demushkin supported the rhetoric in the elections about a change of power, then the media accused that Vyacheslav Maltsev, Dmitry Demushkin, Yuri Gorsky and I - Ivan Beletsky (hereinafter in the third person ) are preparing a coup d'etat.
http://www.interfax.ru/russia/558229
"The movement believes that the searches and detentions are related to a criminal case initiated over the video shown on the REN TV channel, in which Beletsky, as well as nationalist Dmitry Demushkin and Saratov politician Vyacheslav Maltsev, are allegedly discussing the impending coup attempt."

And in October, before the Russian March, Dmitry Demushkin was arrested, he was never released again. Demushkin handed the registration of the Russian March and the Russian March Movement to Ivan Beletsky, who led the Russian March in 2016, after which political persecution also began against him. The March was agreed only after it was announced to the Department regionally safe (officials, former FSB officers, who in Moscow regulate the approval of public events) Plan B - in case of disagreement, thousands of people will go to the Kremlin at the time of the opening of the Monument to Vladimir the Baptist, during the opening was personally Putin. The department agreed after that.

The registration of the Russian March is an attempt to stop the "left" threat, an attempt to strike at the FSB and an attempt to consolidate the Russian nationalist Movement. In the fall of 2017, among the ill-wishers of Ivan Beletsky from nationalists, he was named: Ivan Beletsky - Usurper. Although, in fact, Ivan Bletsky continued the line of Dmitry Demushkin to consolidate the movement around the right-wing protest. With the consolidation of the nationalist movement, problems naturally arose on the part of "left-cotton" nationalism, on the part of curators and agents, on the part of nationalists not participating in the protest, on the part of political marauders and swindlers who are waiting for the planting of leaders, and then try to occupy something that does not belong to them. niche. Thus, the nationalist movement can be divided into:
1) Independent nationalists, opposition to the authorities.
2) Nationalists who do not go into opposition to the authorities, do not participate in protest actions.
3) "Cotton" nationalists, "Crimea naishists", in fact, almost all curatorial, border on outspoken Putinists, but often scold Putin. Ideologically, they are mostly left-wing nationalists. The most favorable environment for the work of curators, with the idea of ​​"Crimea is ours", curators bribe many from the left-wing nationalist camp.
4) Purely curatorial nationalists who cooperate directly with the CPE and the FSB, they can be both extreme right and extreme left nationalists.
In fact, there is a constant struggle for an independent Russian March, but naturally the authorities are trying to absorb the movement and appropriate the Russian March for themselves, and put it in service for their scams.
Ivan Beletsky on the Dozhd TV channel about the Kremlin's attempts to equip the regime with nationalism: https://youtu.be/Lp-8fL0myYw

Naturally, this will not work, but the introduction of splits and the outflow of people from the movement is quite realizable. We see how the number of marches and protests decreases after repressions, intrigues of curators, there is a general prohibition of rallies and marches throughout the territory of the Russian Federation, due to this, the number of cities where Russian Marches and protests are held in general has decreased significantly, the Putin regime is pushing people to aggressive unauthorized rallies and marches, the government tightens the screws and because of this, right-wing nationalism narrows in the halo of its influence. Objective: to preserve the idea of ​​independence, the idea of ​​the struggle for freedom, and with a weakening of the regime and a crisis in the country, it is necessary to go on the offensive, the events of autumn 2017 will show this. It is necessary to consolidate by all means both the nationalist movement and the protest as a whole.

Glory of the Great Russian Empire! This is our Russian March!

Co-chairman of the Party of Nationalists Ivan Beletsky

Continuation of the history of the Russian Marches in the article by Ivan Beletsky dated November 21, 2019 about the period from 2015 to 2019. Russian march under the "protectorate" of the FSB and the slogan "Death to the liberals!"
1)
2) Links to the article

Over the past 25 years, nationalism in Russia has been constantly transformed and reborn, there has been a rapid creation of more and more nationalist movements and ideas. Alexander Verkhovsky, director of the SOVA Information and Analytical Center, spoke about this process and the current state of the nationalist movements during his lecture at the Sakharov Center. "Lenta.ru" recorded the main theses of his speech.

Nationalism of all sorts

Russian nationalism was not born on the day of the liquidation of the Soviet Union, or even during perestroika. It existed earlier, as it should be in the Soviet system, in a squeezed and discounted form. But as soon as the USSR staggered, a wide variety of right-wing organizations began to appear.

The nationalists, previously rallied in the fight against the Soviet monster, began to notice the differences between themselves, of which there were extremely many. One of them is the question of relations with the authorities. The first nationalist society, Pamyat, immediately faced a split based on loyalty. The eponymous society of Dmitry Vasiliev was condemned by the establishment, they tried to discredit him himself. Better things were with the reputation of the more loyal "Memory" Igor Sychev. However, it also formed the most radical wing of Konstantin Smirnov-Ostashvili at that time - he became the first known convict for inciting ethnic hatred. Then it turned out that loyalty does not guarantee moderation in views.

Following Pamyat, purely restoration-oriented organizations began to appear. Some of them in their ideology resembled the pre-revolutionary "Black Hundred", others called themselves communists and wanted to return to the USSR. Among the latter, people stood out for whom the most important value of the Soviet past was a large empire. Another restoration idea was a return to neo-pagan roots, to a certain prehistoric Russia, described in works of art. There were a lot of such currents, they still exist, but their activity is no longer so noticeable.

The National Bolshevik Party (NBP, the activities of the organization is prohibited in Russia - approx. "Lenta.ru"), which grew out of the 1992 National Radical Party (CHP). The NBP ideology, on the one hand, was based on references to the Soviet past, empire and symbols. On the other hand, they created their own fictional fascism, which arbitrarily combined ideas from Western fascist and proto-fascist authors of the first half of the 20th century. All this was complemented by revolutionary ideology, which created a strange, but terribly attractive mixture for people. The NBP consisted of students of humanitarian schools and was more popular in this environment than other movements. Its members, for all their counterculture, were distinguished by their orientation towards the creation of a great empire with a Russian core.

Photo: Alexander Polyakov / RIA Novosti

There were also those who, on the contrary, thought quite freely and were not attached to the past. The most famous of these people is Vladimir Zhirinovsky. In the 1990s, he looked sane against the backdrop of the then nationalists with his judgments about political modernization and the restructuring of Russia into a nation state. Zhirinovsky easily took up different, sometimes contradictory slogans, and was a typical flexible and successful populist politician.

At the same time, some activists tried to create Russian fascism. The most powerful and successful such project was the Russian National Unity, which broke away from Pamyat. His ideas were a terrible mess, quite unlike Italian fascism or German National Socialism. But outwardly everything was authentic: military uniform, marching bearing - this caused the corresponding associations. This strategy proved to be very successful; by the mid-1990s, RNU became the leader, and then almost a monopoly of radical nationalism in the country.

The idea of ​​an ethnically pure Russian state in the mid-90s was actively promoted by Viktor Korchagin, who had previously participated in the anti-Semitic underground. He created the Russian Party and was the first nationalist leader of the day to try hard to argue that Russia should become a state exclusively for ethnic Russians. He did not call for expelling all non-Russians from the country, but offered to split territorially with them.

This idea turned out to be not very popular at that time, but nevertheless, in subsequent years, several circles were formed (for example, the "Golden Lion"), whose members can be called the founders of Russian national democracy. They had a lot of disagreements, but the main idea that they professed in the early 1990s was to transform Russia from an empire into a state for the Russians. They also cared about the building of Russian capitalism, which is why they stood out noticeably against the background of other nationalists, who mainly advocated the most unfree market.

Unpopular ideas

Although there were many ultra-right organizations, the average man in the street barely noticed their existence at that time. Only the Communists, the Liberal Democratic Party and the National Salvation Front (FNS) stood out. All the large-scale confrontation between the opposition and the authorities in 1992-1993 took place on behalf of these restoration movements, the rest existed only on the periphery. But after 1993, they all sharply lost their positions, although they did not disappear. So, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation throughout the 90s was in constant opposition and in 1996 even created the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR), which was designed to unite all the communist imperials around the party (Alexander Prokhanov, Alexander Rutskoy and others).

Those who tried to rely on the ethnic component were not very popular. For example, the Congress of Russian Communities (KRO), headed by people from the government, honestly tried to politicize this topic (such a future prominent nationalist as Dmitry Rogozin grew up in the KRO). The image of a divided people, the theme of protecting Russians abroad turned out to be very advantageous in the confrontation with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. But they voted badly for politicians from the KRO (except for General Lebed at one point) - there was no demand for their ideas in the 1990s.

Among people with moderate views, it was the communists that were popular, and the radicals were attracted by the "imitation fascists" from the RNU. They became monopolists in their fields, and the rest of the organizations had to go into their shadows. But RNU was not active, they were always preparing for a repeat of 1993 in order to go into battle. This never happened, and the organization collapsed in 2000 (in part, the secret services contributed to this).

The rest of the relatively radical groups in the 90s were losing their positions before our very eyes. Everything was monopolized around the CPRF. It seemed that the radical field should be empty, but this never happened. Imperceptibly in the middle of the decade, a movement of Nazi skinheads emerged, and by the end of the 90s they became more or less famous. They produced almost nothing but violence. Other nationalists did not see them as an ally, because it was impossible to establish a dialogue with them.

Photo: Vladimir Fedorenko / RIA Novosti

Against immigrants

The 1999 election became complete failure for all nationalist forces, including the communists. It seemed like a dead end. But instead, qualitative changes have taken place. At the turn of 1999-2000, research by the Levada Center recorded a sharp jump in the level of ethnic xenophobia, which remained at about the same level until 2012. No social or economic factors affected the activity and popularity of nationalist ideas, it was just at that time that the ethnocultural composition of immigration changed. There was a generational change, young visitors from countries the former USSR already spoke Russian poorly, they had much less in common with the host population, which led to the emergence of large situational conflicts.

Against the backdrop of these changes, the resulting empty nationalist space began to be filled with new movements. They couldn't find common language with the old nationalists who lived with the idea of ​​restoring the past. The Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI, the activities of the organization is prohibited in Russia - approx. "Lenta.ru"), which suited them perfectly - for a long time the only goal of the organization was to rid the country of "unwanted" immigration.

Unexpectedly, for a new generation of nationalist activists, such ideas turned out to be terribly attractive, and the number of DPNI members and people who collaborated with it grew more and more. The number of followers of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and similar organizations was decreasing. By 2010-2011, the "Russian March" outnumbered any march organized by the communists.

The ideas of ethno-nationalism almost became a part of real politics. The Liberal Democratic Party tried to play in this field in the first half of the 2000s, and in the Rodina party of the period 2003-2006 there was a clearly ethno-nationalist trend. But all these attempts were ultimately unsuccessful.

Deep crisis

The authorities communicated with nationalists (and continues to do so) with the help of the FSB and the Center for Countering Extremism. In the early 2000s, she considered it correct to conduct a dialogue with all political forces, while trying to somehow manipulate them.

But then it all ends abruptly, almost all nationalists by 2010 again find themselves in opposition. It is then that many ethno-nationalist leaders begin to strive to become part of the "respectable" opposition political regime, including in alliance with the liberals. Groups of national democrats played a special role in this process, but not only they participated in it. Therefore, these leaders participated in the 2011-2012 protests. At the same time, the overwhelming majority of members of nationalist organizations and groups did not want to go to protest actions together with liberals and leftists, which created the basis for many conflicts.

But in general, the movement of Russian nationalists found itself in a crisis situation: although the population shares their xenophobic sentiments, they are not ready to follow them. By 2011, the number of people going to the “Russian March” reached its ceiling, stopped growing, and then began to decline altogether. Why?

Even the xenophobically oriented half of Russian citizens do not follow the nationalists, firstly, because a typical representative of the movement for an ordinary Russian looks like a hooligan who does not inspire confidence. A Russian who does not like "come in large numbers" will not go to the "Russian March" because he will be uncomfortable there.

Secondly, the population trusts the pro-government movements more. One of the interesting polls showed that the majority of respondents are in favor of banning nationalist movements known to them (RNU, skinheads and others), including because they are not associated with the state. At the same time, the respondents spoke well, for example, about the Cossacks. Consequently, the average Russian citizen still pins his hopes on the authorities - it is they who must resolve all issues, including it is they who must expel migrants. A citizen is ready to entrust the execution of this mission to the Cossacks, but not to the conditional RNU or other movements. However, the state itself is not yet ready to fulfill this demand of society.

Following the decline in interest in Russian nationalists in the past year and a half, the authorities, or rather the police, have taken a serious tack on them. This hit all kinds of nationalist activity (from "party building" to street violence) even more. Some nationalist leaders are already openly admitting that their movement is in a serious crisis, while others are not yet ready to openly agree with this.

At the same time, there is still no alternative to the ethno-nationalist movement as we know it in the 2000s. It would seem that against the background of Crimea and Donbass, against the background of the intensification of the propaganda of state imperial nationalism, one would expect the rise of pro-Kremlin and pro-imperial movements. But the nationalists who support the Kremlin line are not particularly visible. So far, the biggest successes in this field are being made by the St. Petersburg branch of Rodina, which in 2013 actually took away the Russian March from local opposition nationalists (it has never had such major successes). The Anti-Maidan movement has disappeared somewhere, and the National Liberation Movement (NOD) can hardly be called an activist organization. It is important to understand that in order to create a movement, there is not enough information agenda, there must also be appropriate activists.

The niche left by the movement of Russian ethno-nationalism is empty. Neither pro-Kremlin activists, nor the National Bolsheviks, nor other alternatives are interested in it. Of course, in the future there will be a new generation of activists, and some nationalist movement that can fill it will certainly appear, but the question is what it will be. If he manages to form from below, we will not be able to predict his ideological preferences: after all, there are many parameters, and which combination of them will become popular is unpredictable.

Another option is to build a movement from above. Then it will be based on the imperial line, "civilizational nationalism", a set of ideas going back to the Russian Orthodox Church and writers - the heirs of Prokhanov (relatively speaking). But this is only possible if the state needs such a movement. This can happen only in a situation of political instability and the need to support the authorities from below. There is no such request yet.

The crisis situation that arose in the political life of Russia at the beginning of the 90s contributed to the emergence of various nationalist organizations.

In the total mass of these organizations, it is necessary to note the revived "Black Hundred" http://www.sotnia.ru/chsotnia/t2002/.htm... It was an Orthodox organization, the main tasks of which were the "churching" of the Russian people and the establishment of Russian power in Russia.

The organization "Black Hundred" was formed in the summer of 1992, its leader was Shtilmark Alexander Robertovich, the Council was at the head of the "Black Hundred". The organization was on bad terms with RNU; from May to December 1993, the Black Hundred was in union with the Russian National Union. Since 1992, the newspaper-bulletin "Black Hundred" has been published, the content of which was reduced to anti-Semitic articles and historical excursions.

It is necessary to pay attention to the goals of this organization. She advocated the fraternal relations of the peoples of Russia, for the restoration of the United, Great and Indivisible Russian Empire. The territories that are now outside the borders of the Russian Federation, but which were part of the Russian Empire before 1917, can voluntarily become part of Russia. The "Black Hundred" rejected the practice of national-territorial division of the state, as well as the principles of separation of church from state. It is worth noting that this organization condemned the war in Chechnya, and on January 16, 1995, held a rally on the subject of military operations in Chechnya.

Here are the main points of the Black Hundreds program:

The Orthodox Church is the basis of the spiritual health of the people;

Reconstruction of a united and indivisible Russia;

Enterprises of heavy industry, defense industries, as well as transport and banks become the property of the state;

Support for domestic entrepreneurs;

The introduction of church censorship, which monitors the prevention of the propaganda of violence;

The land is transferred to the ownership of those who cultivate it, without the right to sell, but with the right of inheritance;

Prohibition of the activities of sects and foreign preachers on the territory of Russia;

The introduction of stricter penalties for serious criminal offenses;

The introduction of the death penalty for the illegal sale of drugs and weapons;

Encouraging the birth rate of the indigenous peoples of Russia, especially the Russian people;

Russia's external debt is zero http://www.sotnia.ru/chsotnia/t2002.htm .

This organization did not have a great response in society. Her ideas about a return to the Empire and to the power of the sovereign and the Zemsky Sobor could not attract society to their side. For Russia, this is a passed stage and a return to it is impossible.

The National Bolshevik Party (NBP) is of no small importance in the political struggle, the declaration on the establishment of which was signed on May 1, 1993 by the leader of the organization E. Limonov. The websites of the regional branches of the NBP exist in Lvov, Krasnoyarsk, Samara, Rostov, Orenburg, Novosibirsk, Irkutsk, Ufa and other cities. The main publications of the party are: "People's Observer" in Nizhny Novgorod, "On the Edge" in Smolensk, "Barrikada", "Guard" in Krasnoyarsk, "Smerch" in St. Petersburg, "Attacking Course" in Kharkov.

The ideology of National Bolshevism is based on a clear principle: the Russian revolution, or rather, two revolutions in one; national revolution and social revolution.

1. The national revolution aims to establish the power of the Russians in Russia, - to turn it from a country colonized by the West, but equally by the East and South, into a proud independent Russian state... That is, to implement national justice. The majority (87 percent) - Russians - will finally become masters in their country. (Mechanically cut off from the "republics" Russia today essentially remains the amputated state of the USSR, but not the Russian state).

2. The social revolution aims to establish property and economic justice in the country. It will be carried out in the interests of the majority of citizens and will be directed against the owner class - an overwhelming minority that has captured last years all the riches of Russia. The inevitable coming through the revolution of a new social system: the Russian order, where social justice within the nation will be the law Reznik A. What is NBP? - URL: http://www.revkom.com/politika Russia / kritika partij / nbp.htm .

Thus, the goals of the National Bolshevik Party are the Russian National Revolution and the building of a just Russian society - the Russian order.

These are the main provisions of the program of the National Bolsheviks.

1. The essence of National Bolshevism is an incinerating hatred of the anti-human system of the trinity: liberalism / democracy / capitalism. A man of uprising, a National Bolshevik sees his mission in the destruction of the system to its foundations. A traditionalist, hierarchical society will be built on the ideals of spiritual masculinity, social and national justice.

2. External enemies of National Bolshevism: Big Satan - the United States and Europe, united in NATO and the UN. Internal enemies: the class of "jackets" - the boyars-officials, the marauders - the new Russians, the cosmopolitan intelligentsia.

3. The global goal of National Bolshevism is the creation of an Empire from Vladivostok to Gibraltar on the basis of Russian civilization. The goal will be achieved in four stages:

a). The transformation of the Russian Federation into a national state of Russia through the Russian Revolution

b). The annexation of the territories of the former Soviet republics inhabited by the Russians

v). Rallying around the Russian Eurasian peoples of the former USSR

G). Creation of a giant continental empire http: //www.nbp-info.ru .

4. Having come to power, the NBP will make revolutionary in its scale transformations in Russia, build a total state, human rights will give way to the rights of the nation. An iron Russian order, a climate of discipline, belligerence and hard work will be established inside the country.

5. The Parliament of Russia will consist of two chambers: the Chamber of Deputies (450 seats) will be legislative and elective; the second chamber will be the House of Representatives (900 seats), deliberative and non-elected. Representatives of the people will be nominated to the second chamber according to popular proposals: professions, ages, social and religious authorities will be represented. The head of government will rely on the House of Representatives, receiving recommendations from it.

6. Russia will be divided into strategic districts controlled from the center; national republics and territories will be abolished, and their "presidents" will be dispersed.

7. The Belavezha Treaty is being denounced, and as a result, the borders of Russia will be revised. Let's unite all Russians in one state. The territories of the republics "breakaway" from us, where the Russian population is more than 50%, will be annexed to Russia through local referendums and their support by Russia (Crimea, Northern Kazakhstan, Narva region and others). The aspirations of national minorities for separatism will be ruthlessly suppressed.

8. During foreign policy turn your back on the United States, facing Asia. Friendship with Germany, Iran, India, Japan is possible on the continent.

9. Termination of all agreements with the West. We will refuse to give loans and arrest all foreign investments in Russia. We'll throw out the dollar. In order to stop the aggressive invasion of foreign goods and their low-standard mass culture, to lower the iron curtain on our borders. Entry into the global market economy killed the Russian economy. It is harmful for Russia. Russia has everything.

10. Russian Socialism will be created, economic system focused on the benefit of the majority of the population. The economy will be based on the principle of progressive nationalization. 5 people work at an enterprise - it can be private, 55 - must be collective, 555 - owned by the regional, 5555 - owned by the state. During the transition period, the NBP will establish an economic dictatorship.

11. Servicemen, state employees, pensioners, all low-paid segments of the population will be completely exempted from taxes. Housing will be donated for the use of those living in it. Empty apartments will be handed over to veterans of the wars in Chechnya and Afghanistan, large families and young families. We will set the level of wages not lower than the subsistence level, apartment and utility bills will be frozen. Fixed, fixed prices for basic foodstuffs will be introduced: bread, potatoes, butter, cereals, milk, beef.

12. The land will belong only to the state, that is, to all of us. The income from its rent will go to the state budget. The state will encourage large specialized farms both on the basis of collective and state farms and any new type of farms that benefit the nation.

13. Export and sale outside of Russia of raw materials, electricity, precious metals, gas, oil and weapons, as well as gold will be produced exclusively by the state. He will also own the defense industry.

14. The goal of the economic reforms of the NBP will be to create a complete economic autarky (self-sufficiency) in Russia.

15. NBP firmly believes that a culture should grow like a wild tree. The NBP is not going to cut her hair. Absolute freedom. "Do what you want" will be the only law.

16. All fundamental sciences vital for the nation will be funded from the state budget on a priority basis. Paradise conditions will be created for scientists and inventors.

17. NBP - for modernity, modernization, avant-garde, but opposed to the forcible imposition of Western values.

18. To judge and punish for state crimes committed by the highest officials of the state since January 1, 1986.

19. Confiscation of all income and savings of individuals, causing economic damage to Russia, deceiving and robbing fellow citizens since January 1, 1986.

20. Under the state security, a special department will be formed to return Russian capital that has flowed abroad. Thieves will be captured there, and will be forced to give up the loot. The heads of fraudulent funds, banks and companies will be handed over to be torn apart by depositors.

21. Destroy the underworld. Its best representatives will serve the nation and the state. The rest will be destroyed by military means.

22. Former officials of the CPSU, up to the level of secretaries of factory committees, are prohibited from engaging in political and commercial activities. The ban will not apply to ordinary members of the CPSU.

23. The NBP is neither left nor right, but the national party of Russians. Russian is not determined by blood or religion. The one who considers the Russian language and Russian culture as his own, the history of Russia as his history, who shed, is ready to shed his own and other people's blood in the name of Russia and only for her, and thinks of no other homeland and nation, is Russian.

24. NBP relies exclusively on an active minority in its activities. First of all, socially dissatisfied youth: provincials, "entrepreneurs", workers, military men, students, marginalized people, policemen. Whoever was nothing will become Dzerzhinsky, Goebbels, Molotov, Voroshilov, Chiano, Goering, Zhukov. All Russia will belong to us.

25. In order to prevent the degeneration of the ruling elite, as happened with the CPSU, the NBP will carry out a permanent revolution and purges in its own, and not only in its own ranks.

26. The slogan of the NBP: "Russia is everything, the rest is nothing!" Dugin A. National Bolshevik Party. - URL: http://www.moldovace.md/nbp.htm

Having considered the main points of the program, it is worth noting that the majority of the party's supporters are young professionals and students. More traditional types of actions - meetings or demonstrations, these actions are usually theatrical. The place occupied by the NBP in the political arena of the country is insignificant. The political goals presented by the leader of the organization E. Limonov are able to win over a certain category of citizens. In my opinion, this is a utopian program, the implementation of which is impossible in modern Russia. Despite the fact that the program proclaims popular representation in parliament, an economy oriented for the benefit of the population, tax exemptions for the general population, it still has many disadvantages. Repulses at least the fact of the establishment of an iron Russian order and militancy, the Iron Curtain, the promise to purge in political circles. In my opinion, a people in need of peace and stability will not support a party proclaiming a Russian national revolution.

Until recently, the largest radical domestic national-patriotic organization was Russian National Unity.

The founding conference was held on October 16, 1990, and until November 1990 the group was called the "National Unity Movement for a Free, Strong, Fair Russia" (NOT for the USSR). The official date for the creation of the Russian National Unity (RNU) is October 20. The initiator of the creation was Alexander Barkashev, a former member of the Central Council of the "Memory" society.

In August 1991, RNU defended the State Emergency Committee. During the Gulf crisis, the movement held rallies in support of Iraq. Immediately after the October events of 1993, official sanctions were applied to RNU as a direct participant in these events. state power RF - its leader A. Barkashev and many activists of the movement were arrested, the newspaper of the Russian Order movement was banned, and a number of regional organizations were disbanded by the local authorities. However, by January 1994, all the structural divisions of the RNU had been restored, relations with the regions had been fine-tuned, the underground issue of the newspaper “Russian Order” was published in half a million circulation. According to the activists of the movement itself, after the "persecution" the number of the organization even increased. The total number of RNU (for 1994) is 5 thousand people. Star and swastika. Bolshevism and Russian Fascism. / Ed. S. Kulesheva - M., 1994. P.183.

RNU used all the elections not to get into the government, but to spread its ideology.

Here are the main program provisions with which RNU entered the elections:

1. The strategic goals of RNU are the creation of the Union of Slavic States and the establishment of a "Russian order".

2. Russia should be a unitary state of Russians (85%) and Russians (15%). At the same time, Russians mean Great Russians, Little Russians, Belarusians (Ukrainians and Belarusians). Russians are understood as non-Slavic indigenous peoples of Russia, for whom Russia is the only Fatherland.

3. RNU considers the protection of the genetic purity of the Russian Nation as one of the main state tasks. Any promotion of mixed marriages should be prohibited. The nationality of a person is determined by the nationality of the parents. If a person is born in a mixed marriage, the main criterion for determining his nationality is "the state of mind of a person."

4. RNU takes Russian citizenship seriously. “All Russian people and representatives of other indigenous peoples of Russia, regardless of their place of birth - in Russia or abroad, are considered or can become citizens of Russia. Russians and Russians who have committed grave crimes against the Nation and the Fatherland cannot or are deprived of Russian citizenship.

5. RNU believes that all, without exception, representatives of some peoples of Russia - foreigners, regardless of their place of birth and time of residence on the territory of Russia, should be deprived of Russian citizenship A. Arkhipov. The disintegration of Russian Unity. - URL: http://www.strana.ru .

These provisions, aimed at preserving the "purity of the Russian nation" and on the rules for issuing citizenship, could not have support among the population. Russia - multinational country, and the number of foreigners is constantly growing, and although there is an increase in national contradictions in some territories of the Russian Federation, still not all Russians supported this position.

Consider the following provisions - RNU and economics. The RNU economic program is based on the concept of "national socialism".

1. National socialism includes the provision of social justice, that is, free medical care, free education, the creation of a pension fund, and so on. The main branches of production (energy, mining, transport, communications) should be in the hands of the state. Foreign economic relations are also declared a state prerogative. Private initiative should be directed towards the service sector, light industry and must develop under the control of the state. RNU recognizes the human right to property and condemns encroachments on it. But private ownership of land is not recognized. The land must be in the private hereditary possession of the peasants, subject to its compulsory cultivation. However, the state should encourage the activities of small and medium-sized cooperation between the Star and the Swastika. Bolshevism and Russian Fascism. / Ed. S. Kulesheva - M., 1994. P.201.

2. RNU shares two moral motives for work: to work in order to feed oneself, and to work for the good of the nation and the Fatherland.

It is necessary to note the attitude of the RNU to the war: recognizing the war as evil, the RNU obliges its members to participate in hostilities, if it is about protecting the interests of Russia and the Russian nation, about restoring justice. It should be noted that RNU in December 1994 fully supported the military operation in Chechnya.

As you can see, many of the ideas of the program were taken from the programs of other parties.

An important factor is the attitude of RNU towards the Orthodox Church. RNU, which until the mid-1990s was a semi-pagan organization, declared itself “adherents of the Orthodoxy that was in Russia at the time of Prince Vladimir and Dmitry Donskoy.

RNU does not recognize the Old Testament, considering it a later Jewish introduction. From the New Testament, only those ideas were recognized that were beneficial in a given period. It should be noted that RNU stands for the preservation of the death penalty, since there is no indication of the need to abolish it in the New Testament. It is also worth noting that the RNU symbolism was represented by the Star of the Virgin with a rotating left swastika placed inside it. According to the Barkashevites, this is the most appropriate symbol for the Russian national character. This symbol means the presence of God in Russia. Note that RNU is trying to put the swastika above the cross of Christ, which naturally repels Orthodox citizens. Fierce V. RNU phenomenon: history, methods of work and reasons for the collapse. - URL: http://www.rnebarkashov.ru .

It is worth noting that the party leader A.P. Barkashev outlined the main programmatic provisions in his work, "The ABC of Russian Nationalism" A.P. Barkashev. The ABC of Russian Nationalism. - M., 1994.-220s .. The program, as you know, did not receive wide support from the population, since it did not affect the interests of people. Although, according to polls in April - May 1995, 11.4% of Russians expected the victory of RNU in the parliamentary elections in December 1995. 29% of former voters of Zhirinovsky's party were going to vote for RNU, and this is already about 7%. But even if all these numbers were overstated, RNU's inability to conduct a normal election campaign in December 1995 reduced its chances to almost zero this time.

The 1996 presidential campaign was a turning point for RNU. Then Barkashev, who initially nominated his candidacy, withdrew it and made a statement indirectly calling for voting for Yeltsin, which alienated not only his sympathizers, but also most of his comrades-in-arms.

In 1999, RNU, without state registration, entered the Spas electoral association, which was registered with the Ministry of Justice as an all-Russian social and political movement. But in November 1999, the Ministry of Justice filed a lawsuit against itself, in fact, for invalidating the all-Russian registration of the movement due to the lack of associations, as required by law, in more than half of the subjects of the Russian Federation. Thus, "Spas" was removed from the election race two weeks before the vote A. Arkhipov. The collapse of Russian Unity. - URL: http://www.strana.ru .

The last election campaign for RNU was the 2000 presidential election. Then Barkashev, without typing the required number of signatures, quietly left the race. In 2000, RNU ceased to exist, splitting into a large number of incompetent fragments.

Over the years of its existence (1900 - 2000), the Russian National Unity has accumulated a certain experience in social and political work with the population. The work was carried out in several parallel directions at once. And although the very methods of such activities were successful, the very inner content and lack of elaboration of the RNU ideology brought to naught all attempts to turn into a party.

Let's take a closer look at these methods, evaluate all their pros and cons.

The first and most widespread method of work is the direct distribution of RNU propaganda materials. During rush hour, a small group of RNU participants stood up at key metro stations, joined the crowd at various rallies and handed out copies of newspapers and magazines. This method was used until the end of 1995. We also used the layout of newspapers and leaflets in mailboxes, posting leaflets. Newspaper layout is the most inefficient method for several reasons. First, the population has a sharply negative attitude to the placement of various kinds of literature in mailboxes and, practically without reading, throws it out. Secondly, the audience living in the houses is not known. Third, intercoms and alarms prevented entry to mailboxes and homes. Thus, this method came to naught by 1998 - 99 years. The highest efficiency was demonstrated by the mass distribution of RNU literature, carried out by several RNU divisions. Having broken up into small groups, they distributed all over Moscow, on the streets and in transport. At the same time, two goals were achieved - a significant part of the population was covered and the effect of presence throughout Moscow was created, the massiveness of the organization was shown.

The second most important direction in the activities of the RNU was work on the military-patriotic education of young people. For example, in 1994 in the Eastern Administrative District of Moscow, a military-patriotic club "Victoria" was founded, stationed in Terletsky Park. Classes were conducted on shooting from a small-bore rifle and a pistol, on drill and physical training. Lyuty V. Phenomenon of the RNE: history, methods of work and the reasons for the collapse. - URL: http://www.rnebarkashov.ru... The disadvantages were that there was no permanent coach in various disciplines, as well as the irregularity of the cadets' visits to the club and classes.

In 1996, the all-Moscow club "Varyags" was registered, in Stavropol - "Russian Knights", in Kirov - "Kolovrat" and others. But gradually the work on the military-patriotic education of young people came to naught. This was due to a number of reasons. The main reason is the unwillingness of the authorities to cooperate with the military-patriotic movement, financial issues, and the constant shortage of truly professional cadets.

The third direction of RNU's work is actions to restore order (Russia - Russian order! ") Together with the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the traffic police.

The first in this activity was patrolling by the RNU fighters, who were registered as members of the voluntary people's squad of the "Ivanovskoe" Ministry of Defense of the territory of Terletsky Park.

As a result of such patrols, crimes on the territory of the park were sharply reduced, with the help of RNU members, a huge number of minor offenses were suppressed, and several major crimes were solved. Terletsky Park has become one of the most non-criminal territories in Moscow. But later, putting things in order became an empty formality, which boiled down to standing at the entrance to the park and preventing the entry of vehicles.

By the fall of 1995, an agreement was reached between the leadership of the RNE and the Ministry of Railways on the protection of the facilities of the Ministry of Railways by RNU at the Moscow-Ryazan branch of the Moscow Railways. A double benefit was achieved: the RNU members, registered by the watchmen, guarding the depot in the form of the RNU, showed by example the work of maintaining order, thereby making free advertising for themselves, and even receiving income by taking a 5% tax on the salaries of security guards A. Verkhovsky. Nationalism and xenophobia in Russian society... - M., 1998. P.29.

But in the end, this type of activity of RNU ended in failure. Part of the population began to perceive the RNU as a component of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the attitude towards which the population had, if not negative, then ambiguous, and most of the RNU associates, thinking the same, began to leave the ranks of the organization.

Why did RNU cease to exist? There are a number of reasons for this:

First, the lack of elaboration of an ideology very similar to the ideology of Hitler's Germany. Symbols, black uniforms, arms thrown up had a repulsive effect on people.

Secondly, the cessation of the regular publication of propaganda materials contributed to the fact that people, not receiving fresh information from RNU, gradually began to lose interest in him, treating him as a closed sect. And the press presented RNU in a negative light. This also contributed to the outflow of participants from the RNU.

Thirdly, the inability of the RNU to conduct a normal election campaign.

Fourth, the leadership, represented by Barkashev, began, it seems, to lose interest in further development RNE. In turn, the RNU did not receive any instructions from its "leader" about its future activities.

Thus, having existed for ten years, RNU left the political arena.

But the history of RNU with its politics and ideology is not over. "A holy place is never empty". Five organizations claimed the legacy of RNU. At the same time, the RNU personnel did not just split into five warring groups.

The largest fragment of RNE is the "Lapochkin group" (RNE-2). The Lapochkin brothers, leaders of the St. Petersburg and Voronezh regional organizations of the RNU, were one of the initiators of the attempt to remove Barkashev from the leadership of the movement. However, RNE-2 was never able to establish effective leadership, to nominate a single leader for Realia and the tendencies of Russian national radicalism. - URL: http://www.strana.ru .

Former deputy Barkashev Oleg Kassin created a new movement, Russian Revival. The RV movement proclaimed support for the government's course and canceled the most controversial fragments of symbolism (the solstice swastika, black shirts, and so on). In a patriotic environment, this organization has a reputation as almost traitors. Meanwhile, this group aspired to form a “civilized” patriotic party supporting the government and aimed to participate in the 2003 parliamentary elections.

Two more groups of former Barkashevites are active in Moscow - the Slavic Union and the Free Detachment of the RNE. The position of the "Free Detachment", since the spring of 2003, was expressed by the St. Petersburg newspaper "Novaya Sistema".

A. Barkashev himself, who initially tried to reorganize the movement into the religious brotherhood "Barkashev's Guard", decided to retain the name RNU. Loyalty to Barkashev was retained by the regional branches of RNU in the Moscow region, on Sakhalin, and partly in St. Petersburg. In the spring of 2001, Barkashev released an updated Russian Order, a previously banned newspaper by RNU. Although a minority of RNU members remained for Barkashev, none of the alternative leaders has his fame and popularity.

The "Slavic Union" has joined the association of nationalist organizations planning to merge at the all-Russian level. The association, which began in 2001, included the People's Nationalist Party of Alexander Ivanov-Sukharevsky (newspaper "I am Russian"), the Freedom Party of Yuri Belyaev (formerly the National Republican Party of Russia, the newspaper "Our Review"), the national-pagan group Russian the national liberation movement of Alexander Aratov (newspaper "Russkaya Pravda"), the movement "Spas" of Alexander Sevastyanov ("National newspaper"), some other groups. The working name of the organization is the National Sovereign Party of Russia. This name has been preserved for her. On September 26, 2002, the National Power Party of Russia (NDPR) was officially registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. The leaders of the NDPR - Mironov B.S., former Minister of the Press in the Yeltsin government, Sevastyanov A.N., Chief Editor"National newspaper", Terekhov SN, chairman of the communist "Union of officers". The leaders of the new party officially declared that one should not equate the party's program with fascist ideology. According to them, the main goal of the NDPR is "the revival of Russia as a great power" M. Sokolov. Radical Nationalist Movement in Putin's Russia: Current State and Immediate Prospects. - URL: http://www.strana.ru

At that time, among the political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice, there were already fifteen organizations with similar names and slogans. In patriotic circles, the authority of the leaders of the NDPR was immediately scanty.

The basis of the NDPR is a unifying factor, as evidenced by the official list of organizations that took part in the NDPR. There are Cossacks, and the former RNU, pagans, communists and others.

The emergence of this party and its activities did not affect the general course of events. She didn't get much support. For 2002, it did not have a clearly formulated ideology, the so-called "national idea".

As a result, it should be noted that the emerging new nationalist parties and the already split (RNU) could only show their disorganization and weakness. They lost in the political battle, lacking sufficient support, failing to establish themselves. Nationalist organizations, not reflecting the interests of the majority of Russian citizens, have now failed to achieve success.

But the dangers of nationalism cannot be underestimated. It is necessary to erect barriers to nationalism, because its growth and spread poses a political threat to Russia. What does nationalism promise? The elimination of the germs of democracy that exist, and the rejection of the democratic perspective, the great-power nationalist dictatorship, the establishment of order, national isolation, the reciprocal nationalist reaction of non-Russian peoples and the isolation of Russia in the international arena.

Nationalism opposes the leading trends in the economic and political development of modern civilization: the globalization of economic and social problems occurring in the world, the processes of internationalization and integration.

Indeed, in order to overcome the problems that have become global, it is necessary to unite the efforts of all peoples, of all mankind. And these problems include not only the threat of depletion of natural resources, but also many other things. Thus, the prospect of Russia's isolation and national isolation, which the nationalists offer it, will not shield Russia from these dangers, but rather intensify them.

From television news, in newspapers and simply in conversations, the words nationalism, national idea, Nazism, the party of nationalists, a rally of nationalists are often heard. They all merge into a single picture, far from reality. Many add racism and fascism to the pile, such a picture will scare anyone away. Nobody knows how many nationalists there really are in Russia. Let's try to figure it out, and how to distinguish them.

Nationalist program

On this moment dozens, if not hundreds of organizations in our country are known that proudly inscribe themselves as nationalists of Russia. But at the same time they have different development programs, different goals and ways of their implementation, they may even contradict each other. Young and hot people can buy into loud slogans and charisma of leaders and, without understanding, become an instrument in the wrong hands.

Real nationalists are distinguished by several points in their programs, they can be retold in different ways, but this does not change the essence:

1. The constitution should have an amendment recognizing the rights to Russia for the Russian people, and the Russians as the state-forming people.
2. Russian citizenship is a privilege to obtain which there should be no obstacles for Russians.
3. Now in Russia there are laws adopted for the entire state, but also each subject has its own, regional. The budget for the subjects is distributed unevenly, depending on the goals of the state and the need. Nationalists advocate the elimination of legal and budgetary differences between the margins and regions of the state, on the one hand, and the national republics, on the other.
4. The most painful place for a nationalist is the migration of the population of neighboring countries to Russia. Clashes between Russians and "persons of Caucasian nationality" surprise no one. Therefore, almost every party of Russian nationalists is in favor of introducing a visa regime between Russia and the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus.

Russian nationalist flag

Nationalists use the black-yellow-white flag, or the so-called imperial flag, as their "own". The combination is bright and memorable, especially when the inscriptions "For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland!" Are added to the flowers. However, the history of his appearance is such that the question arises as to why the nationalists of Russia chose him?

During the Romanov dynasty, these colors were imperial. The standard of the ruling dynasty was a black eagle on a yellow background. These colors were legalized by Alexander II as the coat of arms. But the coat of arms and the national flag are not the same thing. This procedure lasted only 25 years and was canceled. The well-known red-blue-white tricolor began to be used for any decorative purposes. And the "imperial flag" began to be associated only with the Romanov dynasty.

Nationalist parties and organizations

In each subject there is an organization, a party, a section that considers itself nationalist. T-shirts, caps, scarves with the words "I am Russian" are known to everyone. Full list Russia's nationalists are huge, but among them the main ones can be distinguished.

Moderate organizations. Their goals include, as a rule, the legal protection of Russians, the information component, the protection of Orthodoxy and the Russian Orthodox Church, political and religious education. Some call for resistance to state policies aimed at taking into account the interests of the country's multinational population, without violence. There is no racism or incitement to aggression in the ideology of such organizations. The most famous of them are the People's Union, the Russian (ROD), the National Patriots of Russia, and the Movement Against Illegal Migration.

Radical organizations. Such people express their opinion more sharply, their methods and programs will leave few people indifferent, even Russian people react to them both positively and negatively. They strive to establish authoritarian management, strict discipline and foster loyalty to the leader, their ideology is very similar to the fascist one, some call themselves that. Some of them organize skinheads younger age, which are focused on pre-revolutionary Russia (the Black Hundred organization, who knows history will shudder). Many of them are characterized by separatism and extremism. The most famous of them are the NPF "Memory", the People's National Party, the Movement and the Guard of Alexander Barshakov, the True Russian National Unity, the National Union.

Banned

Not all Russian nationalists use peaceful methods to achieve their goals. It is worth mentioning such organizations, which, due to their actions, were banned. There are not so many of them, this is the National Bolshevik Party, the Slavic Union. They differ - from German National Socialism to Marxism. Many activists have been imprisoned.

Most of the aforementioned organizations participate in the alliance of national socialist organizations - the Russian March.

Nationalism and Nazism

These two concepts are most often put side by side and used as synonyms even by some nationalists of Russia. A photo where a patriot of his country and a soldier of the Third Reich will stand nearby will not clarify. It seems that there is a difference, but this border is shaky.

Nationalism at its core adheres to such values ​​as loyalty to its nation, its political and economic independence, cultural and spiritual development for the good of the people. This concept is akin to patriotism, it unites people, regardless of class. The nationalists of Russia are people who strive for the good of all the people of our state.

Nazism is an abbreviated form of National Socialism. The main goal of this ideology is to establish the power of one race on a specific territory, while the interests of other nationalities are sacrificed in favor of the dominant one. A striking example in history is the activities of the Third Reich.

The biggest nationalist

In one of his speeches, Vladimir Putin called himself the main nationalist of Russia. This caused a smile for many, but the president's subsequent words clearly indicated his position. Vladimir Putin called the striving for the good of the entire people of Russia a correct nationalism, denying intolerance towards other nationalities. It turns out that the real flag of Russian nationalists flies in every city over the administration building.