Oleg Feoktistov is preparing to retire. "Knew too much." General "from the Ulyukaev case" resigns from service in the FSB & nbsp

Organizer of the arrest of the former minister economic development Alexey Ulyukaev resigned from Rosneft. This was stated by the head of the company Igor Sechin. According to him, FSB General Oleg Feoktistov returned to military service.

Earlier, the media reported that Feoktistov was fired from both Rosneft and the FSB. This was linked to the Ulyukaev case: “they overdid it with the minister,” the source of RBC explained at the time. Among the reasons were also named "suspicion of disloyalty to Sechin." It is believed that Feoktistov is one of the main developers of the FSB's operation to arrest Ulyukaev and personally oversaw the process.

Oleg Feoktistov moved to the position of Vice President of Rosneft and Head of the Company's Security Service in September 2016. Prior to that, he served as deputy head of the FSB's Internal Security Directorate.

Around the same time, the process of privatization of Bashneft stalled. According to Kommersant's information, the reason was the conflict in the government structures just over participation in the deal by Rosneft, and the FSB became interested in the situation.

The publication notes that formal steps in the case of Alexei Ulyukaev were taken after Feoktistov was officially appointed to the oil company. As a result, Ulyukaev was detained on the night of November 15. The minister was caught red-handed while receiving a bribe of $ 2 million, which is more than 130 million rubles. from representatives of Rosneft.

As soon as information appeared in the press about the dismissal of General Feoktistov from Rosneft, the company itself called it “nonsense”. Then the press secretary of "Rosneft" Mikhail Leontyev made a statement. The company's ambiguous position suggests that the Ulyukaev case really influenced this story. This is the opinion of Pavel Salin, director of the Center for Political Science Research at the Financial University.

“At first, one version was voiced, which for Feoktistov and for the management of Rosneft became not very presentable - allegedly the head of the security service left not only the company, but was also fired from the security department due to the arrest of Ulyukaev, within which he“ overdid it ” ". Now the version of "Rosneft" is much more complementary in relation to the former employee - he went to be promoted to the FSB. But judging by the fact that earlier the official representatives of the company generally denied the fact of Feoktistov's departure from the company, there is probably a less presentable version of his dismissal, ”the expert noted.

While working for the FSB, General Feoktistov also supervised other high-profile arrests, including the heads of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Denis Sugrobov and Boris Kolesnikov. According to media reports, Feoktistov promptly accompanied the case former governor Kirov region Nikita Belykh.

Lilia Ponomareva

The process of cleansing the FSB of Igor Sechin is gaining momentum

First Deputy Head of Internal Security Directorate (9th Directorate) FSB General Oleg Feoktistov transferred to the staff of the seconded FSB officers.

The story of Oleg Feoktistov - one of the serious characters in the KGB history of recent years - deserves attention. Feokistov was promoted General Sergei Shishin .

In general, his main profession is a saboteur. In the 80s - special forces in Afghanistan, head of the special detachment "Killer Whale" (meaning the Murmansk ROSN) "Kasatka" - Ruspres] in the Northern Fleet, head of the "Vympel" detachments, deputy chief of staff of the FSB Special Forces Center. From 2000 to 2002, he heads the FSB in Sochi and deals with issues of arrangement presidential residence... Here he liked Igor Sechin... And with his submission in 2002 he was sent to head the FSB's own security department. 2004-2007 - Member of the FSB Collegium and Head of Operations Support.

In the conflict between the FSKN and the FSB (2004-2007), the CSS of the FSB, and at that time it was headed by Alexander Kupryazhkin, turned into the main hero of the conflict. And Oleg Feoktistov, allegedly, was personally responsible for the arrest and obtaining testimony from General FSKN Bulbov .

During 2008-2012, the opposing clans in the FSB itself, in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and in the Federal Drug Control Service collected dirt on each other and tried to take a monopoly position of curators of business structures, curators of courts and investigations; shared spheres of influence.

In July 2011 - on the eve of the decision on the second term of Medvedev - head of the 9th department of the FSB Kupryazhkin transferred to the post of deputy director of the FSB. And in the CSS from the outside comes the former St. Petersburg Chekist Sergei Korolev who worked last years with [Defense Minister Anatoly] Serdyukov... Oleg Feoktistov, hoping to take the vacated place of Kupryazhkin, is forced to be content with the post of Sergei Korolev's deputy.

It did not work out with the appointment of Feoktistov as the chief of the Internal Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Here two people spoke out against this appointment at once: [Eugene] Schools- Assistant to the President and Vladimir Kolokoltsev - Minister .

In July 2011, comrade Feoktistov was dismissed - 1 deputy head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs General Andrey Khorev(later his patrons from the group [ex-director of the Federal Drug Control Service] Victor Ivanov get him a job at the Federal Service for the Regulation of the Alcohol Market).

As journalists reported, the union of Khorev and Feoktistov ideally “played” in the clearing of relations with the business world, including collecting and storing information.

Khorev's people were cleaned out in 2011 by the new head of the DEP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, General Denis Sugrobov .

General Sugrobov was appointed president Dmitry Medvedev... They say that at the suggestion of the Deputy Minister of the Interior Valery Cojokar, classmate of Medvedev... But the real flourishing of Sugrobov's activities begins with the arrival in May 2012 of Yevgeny Shkolov as assistant to the president.

Sugrobov, apparently, had a task to clean up the channels of unrecorded income of the security forces as much as possible. The special operation of Sugrobov's people to close the cashing system in the Master Bank and cashing in St. Petersburg banks is widely known. Information appeared in the media about the withdrawal of funds abroad by certain officers of the security forces.

Sugrobov dug the ground in the hope of finding compromising evidence on the activities of the 6th Internal Security Service and personally Feoktistov. All his contacts and connections were studied, conversations were tapped. The officers of the CSS were taken into the development. In particular, the deputy head of the 6th Service Igor Demin .

In response, Feoktistov received a personal order from the Queen - to deal with the organized provocation. It is reported to the first persons. Security officers arrest Sugrobov, [Boris] Kolesnikova and a number of Interior Ministry officers.

DEB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs turns out to be completely cleaned up, and FSO officer Dmitry Mironov comes to lead the unit.

But, as it turned out, Feoktistov's tactical victory was his strategic defeat. He has made a lot of powerful enemies for himself.

His name increasingly began to flicker in scandalous publications. Spousal deputy couple [Denis] Voronenkov - [Maria] Maksakova in 2015, on TV and in the press, she openly accused Feoktistov of organizing ordered criminal cases as revenge for Voronenkov's participation in the Three Whales case on the side of the Federal Drug Control Service.

And Voronenkov himself even unexpectedly hinted that the information available to Feoktistov is for some reason being replicated Alexey Navalny .

Probably, as they write on the Internet, in recent times Feoktistov tried to build relationships with his immediate superiors, General Sergei Korolev. They say that Korolev is now openly representing the interests of Sergei Chemezov's group in the FSB. Along with the director of the Counterintelligence Service Vladislav Menshchikov.

Feoktistov took an active part, if not the leadership, in the development and implementation of high-profile arrests of recent times. Including, he seriously helped to clean former management FSB Economic Security Service.

Apparently, he really had a chance to take the place of the head of the FSB's Internal Security Service.

However, as some journalists noticed, during the arrest of the generals of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, the FSB's internal security officers were not involved, but rather the employees of the “M” unit of the FSB Economic Security Service, which was already headed by General Korolyov.

And since there was talk that Feoktistov had good friendly relations with [Mikhail] Maksimenko from the UK, perhaps this argument played its role in the fate of Feoktistov.

Since mid-2016, close public attention has been focused on resonant publications in the media about large-scale sweeps in the central office of the FSB. In particular, the readership was agitated by the information that FSB General Oleg Feoktistov (the biography is offered in the article) has lost his office. The former first deputy chief of the Internal Security Directorate (Internal Security Directorate), General Feoktistov, known in certain circles as General Fix, Fikus or Oleg-Bolshoi, since 2004 directly headed the 6th Internal Security Service, which was in charge of ensuring the operational support of criminal cases.

Why was General Fix "rolled"?

Prior to his appointment to this position, Oleg Feoktistov, FSB general (photo above), headed the 6th Service for almost five years and was such an influential figure that the Lubyanka employees allowed themselves to mention him only in a whisper. More than once, well-wishers made attempts to compromise the general: Internet sites specializing in "leaks" from the special services periodically published notes telling that Feoktistov allegedly had all Moscow judges in his fist, and his subordinates could drive around the capital drunk and send where away from traffic cops.

In 2011, in contrast to FSB General Oleg Feoktistov (with a biography, see below) Sergei Korolev, an adviser to Anatoly Serdyukov, who was then the acting Minister of Defense, was appointed head of the "detached house". However, Feoktistov continued to deal with all operational issues. In the light of this information, the question arises especially sharply before many: why did FSB General of Russia Oleg Feoktistov lose his career?

What is "Sechin special forces"?

It is known that such a nickname was given to the 6th Internal Security Service of the FSB, created in 2004 on the initiative of the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the security forces. The backbone of the "six" was personally selected by the FSB general Oleg Feoktistov from the fighters of "Vympel" and "Alpha" (special forces of the FSB) who passed the hot spots. Among the tasks is to provide operational support for high-profile criminal cases. During the special operations, the fighters used cover documents and various sets of state license plates.

According to the information, FSB General Oleg Feoktistov (biography is presented below) had to live under the name of Sergei A. for a long time, having “aged” by 2 years. The head of the service took an active part in the operational support of high-profile criminal cases. It is known that FSB General Oleg Feoktistov (with a biography, a photo can be found in the article) in 2014 directly supervised the arrest of Police Lieutenant General D. Sugrobov, head of the GUEBiPK (who dared to take Colonel I. Demin into operational development of one of the FSB Internal Security Service officers) , as well as his deputy, Major General of Police B. Kolesnikov. The latter, according to the version put forward by the investigation, committed suicide during interrogation.

In March 2015, soldiers of the 6th Service detained the governor of the Sakhalin Region A. Khoroshavin, suspected of receiving a large bribe ($ 5.6 million). In the same year, employees of the "six" put handcuffs on V. Gaizer (head of the Komi Republic), as well as officials of his administration. All of them were accused of fraud and the creation of a criminal group. In June 2016, the 6th Service “accepted” the mayor of Vladivostok, millionaire I. Pushkarev, owner of the Park Group concern. He was accused of abuse of office and participation in commercial bribery and immediately taken to Moscow. In addition, the "six" detained Nikita Belykh, the former governor of the Kirov region.

Versions

There are a number of versions of the mysterious resignation of one of the most powerful FSB generals, Oleg Feoktistov (a biography will be presented below).

1. First. One of the reasons people in the know call a series of high-profile events around the Baltic customs, over which the winds of change were actively sweeping. For control over the "tasty" customs economy, a real battle unfolded at the top, as a result of which many high-ranking security officials lost their posts. Operational support of the criminal case was organized by the FSB's Internal Security Service, the commands for searches in the houses of the defendants and their detention, as is known from reliable sources, were personally given by General Feoktistov.
2. Second. According to this version, V. Putin received complaints from the deputy of the State Duma (United Russia) Maria Maksakova-Igenbergs. It is known that her millionaire husband, a deputy from the Communist Party Denis Voronenkov, was involved in a criminal case related to the raider seizure of one of the buildings in the center of the capital. Investigation materials indicate that Voronenkov found a buyer for the mansion and received a large advance payment. The deputy himself has repeatedly stated in his interviews that the initiation of a case against him was initiated by General Feoktistov for revenge for organizing a private investigation, as a result of which 16 officers of the highest echelon of the FSB were dismissed.
3. Third. According to this assumption, the reason for which the powerful special officer was "burned out" was the too close friendship of M. Maksimenko, the head of the Internal Security Service of the Investigative Committee, who was arrested for a bribe. According to some reports, Feoktistov was the curator of special officers from the Investigative Committee and it was thanks to him that Maksimenko got his position.
4. Fourth. The reason for the general's resignation could have been his unsuccessful participation in the case concerning the publication in Novaya Gazeta about the young wife of I. Sechin - Olga. It was reported that the lady appeared on a yacht worth $ 150 million. The Sechins filed a lawsuit against the newspaper in the Basmanny Court. In search of the "customer" of this publication, the FSB's CSS was thrown. They did not fulfill the assigned task.

Feoktistov Oleg Vladimirovich: biography, photo

There is no official biography of the former special officer in the public domain. Therefore, there is little misinterpretation regarding its origin. So, some claim that FSB General Oleg Feoktistov is from Leningrad. In fact, (confirmed information) the future powerful fighter against corruption and smuggling was born on July 3, 1964 in Moscow. The general's biography necessarily contains a postscript: he was involved in the arrest of A. Ulyukaev, head of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development, which took place in 2016.

Start

After graduating high school, the future FSB general went to serve in the army (border troops). He was trained at the FSB Academy. Since 2004, he was the head of the 6th department of the Department of its own

Notoriety

For the first time, the general public learned about General Feoktistov during the sensational criminal cases of the so-called "Three Whales" (about the smuggling of furniture) and Chinese smuggling, which in 2000 entered the warehouse of the FSB Logistics Department.

Professional quality

Co-workers of O. Feoktistov characterize him as a real professional, tough and executive boss. They note that he always performed the assigned tasks unquestioningly.

Career

According to experts, General Feoktistov has repeatedly made attempts to accelerate his own career advancement. In 2012, he actively lobbied for his own appointment as the head of the Moscow FSB. The attempt was unsuccessful - the mayor of Moscow S. Sobyanin himself opposed his appointment. The promotion of O. Feoktistov to the post of chief of the Internal Security Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation also ended unsuccessfully. In September 2016, Oleg Fekotistov was appointed to the board of Rosneft and was appointed head of the security service. It is known that the general left the company in March 2017. Earlier, he was taken to the FSB reserve.

The Ulyukaev case

During the general's work at Rosneft, one of the most resonant arrests of high-ranking officials took place: the Minister of Economic Development of Russia A. Ulyukaev was accused of extorting a bribe of $ 2 million from Igor Sechin, the head of Rosneft. During the trial, the ex-minister accused General Feoktistov of a provocation that led to the initiation of a criminal case against him. It is also known that the general was behind a number of other high-profile arrests of high Russian officials in 2015-2016.

Effects

Participation in the case of A. Ulyukaev had a negative impact on the career of O. Feoktistov: a high-ranking general, who had previously avoided any publicity and did not even post his photograph on the Rosneft website, attracted excessive attention. In this regard, he was recalled back to the central office of the FSB. After 4 months, he was denied an appointment to the SEB due to excessive "exposure".

Pension

More recently, on his order, major businessmen, governors and even one minister were arrested, and the head of the customs service was searched (at the same time, the discovered boxes of money were shown to all central TV channels). Now his life is a pension in a village near Istra, bearing the self-explanatory name - Yabedino, living in a house with an area of ​​110 sq. m, rather modest by today's generals' standards.

It is known that in this village the general owns land plot in 2100 sq. m, a residential building and a bathhouse. This property is not an acquisition of recent years - according to information, it was here that children and adolescence General, his parents are buried in the village cemetery. Another one was built on the site. wooden house smaller, daughter Lydia and grandchildren come here for the weekend. There are also several outbuildings and a pond.

General Feoktistov completed the task, returned to the place of permanent deployment.

Oleg Feoktistov, a native of the FSB, who has appeared in a number of scandals, who is called the author of the arrest of Minister Alexei Ulyukaev, who “stood in the way” of Igor Sechin, returned to the service. Now Mr. Feoktistov received the post of deputy chief of the FSB economic security service!

This means that all of Feoktistov's actions were approved by the leadership Federal Service safety!

In general, very strange things were happening with Feoktistov. The public was fooled and did not hesitate. The Chekist took over as head of the Rosneft security service in September 2016 as a seconded employee of the Federal Security Service. He carried out an operation to detain Ulyukaev, which still raises questions and, as it turned out, in March 2017, he was fired. Those. was the silovik both a manager and an FSB general?

Let us remind you that according to Article 11 "Civil servant is not entitled to engage in other paid activities, except for teaching, scientific and other creative activities." And a post at Rosneft is definitely not scientific activity... So there is a violation of the law? So we must judge.

Confirmed that Feoktistov had not been dismissed by the press secretary and vice president of Rosneft, Mikhail Leontyev, who, in his own style, called the information about the dismissal of the Chekist “nonsense”. “I told you to tie your raving. This is a common nonsense for you and Novaya Gazeta. You are ill with common illnesses, ”Leontyev replied to a journalist's question whether he denies Feoktistov's dismissal.

Wait a minute! But Sechin himself said that “This is the correct information (Feoktistov's return to the FSB). He returned to military service, ”Igor Ivanovich said on March 10.

Events are developing rapidly, already on April 5 it became clear that Feoktistov was fired on April 5 this year from Rosneft. You don't need to be an analyst to understand that top managers of Rosneft, in the language of Leontyev's press secretary, are “muddying up” and “hiding” something.

Note that in 2004 Feoktistov headed the 6th service of the Internal Security Directorate of the FSB, which is responsible for the operational support of criminal cases. The newspaper New Times writes that this service is called "Sechin special forces", since it was created on the initiative of Igor Ivanovich himself!

What was Feoktistov doing?

So why would a Chekist break the law by combining service and a post in Rosneft? To make money? Get the "profit". It looks like the income in the state company was huge and could well be in the billions. But we will never know exactly how much. Why? "Information about the belonging of specific individuals to the staff of the FSB bodies is classified by law as a state secret," explained the Chekist Nikolai Zakharov.

There is an event behind which Feoktistov stands - the arrest of Minister Ulyukaev "red-handed" (photos and video facts have not yet been provided !!!). The former and "combining position" Chekist from Rosneft personally carried out the arrest!

What did they want from Ulyukaev? Alexey Valentinovich was against the purchase of Bashneft by Rosneft. In fact, Igor Sechin is behind the rout and "taking away" from Vladimir Yevtushenkov, who refused to sell Bashneft to the former vice-president of Rosneft, Eduard Khudainatov.

By the way, “the targets of the FSB’s development were also Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich and Presidential Aide Andrei Belousov,” all these federal officials also opposed the privatization of Bashneft by Rosneft. After this act of intimidation, most likely no one will say a word to Sechin now ...

"Feoktistov deeds master"

By the way, Feoktistov's career is not limited to Ulyukaev's case alone. So, in 2007, a high-ranking FSKN officer, Alexander Bulbov, arrested for "illegal wiretapping", directly accused Feoktistov of fabricating a criminal case against himself!

FSKN then investigated the case of "Three Whales" on the smuggling of Italian furniture. Do you know why Bulbov aroused the interest of the Chekists? FSKN officials claimed that they suspected that the smugglers were using the patronage of high-ranking corrupt FSB officers!

Do you know what happened to the deputy editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta, Yuri Shchekochikhin, who conducted the journalistic investigation of Three Whales? He died from poisonous phenol!

Feoktistov also clashed with the late Interior Ministry General Denis Sugrobov, who was investigating corruption in the FSB. Moreover, the Investigation considered that the subordinates of General Sugrobov "were developing the deputy head of the 6th service of the 9th FSB Directorate Igor Demin"! This is the same management of Feoktistov! It is still unclear whether Sugrobov committed suicide or was killed!

The situation with Feoktistov should be considered at a meeting of the Russian Security Council. If such things happen, then the alleged malefactors from the FSB may well stage a coup d'état! Who will stop them?

Petr Sarukhanov / "New"

By the end of the summer, President Vladimir Putin will sign a decree dismissing FSB General Oleg Feoktistov from military service. The news that the ex-deputy head of the Internal Security Directorate (CSS) of the FSB and the vice president of Rosneft was finally leaving Lubyanka, spread in the feeds of news agencies in early spring. At the same time, the general was sent on a two-month vacation.

Individual patrons of Feoktistov, however, as best they could, tried to keep him in the reserve of the special services. Some of them even sought the appointment of an officer to the post of deputy head of the Economic Security Service (SEB) of the FSB with the right to oversee the Directorate for Counterintelligence Support of Oil and Gas Enterprises (Directorate "P").

The draft decree on dismissal, according to sources at Lubyanka and Staraya Square, has already been prepared and, after approval by the Security Council, has been sent for signature.

And although history remembers examples of a sharp change in presidential plans, the future of Oleg Feoktistov can hardly be associated with military service - the Lubyanka never gave a return ticket even to those who left it of their own free will and without conflicts. The general's dismissal is also confirmed by The Bell sources.

In principle, personnel rotation is a natural and customary phenomenon for any organ. state power, and the current event may seem far from the main news. But this is only at first glance. Yes, General Feoktistov was not a federal minister or governor, but on the political and economic map of the country he occupied, to put it mildly, no less significant positions. To some extent, the general could be considered a key figure: in one way or another, big business and industry departments were locked up, which Feoktistov, due to the functionality entrusted to him, had to keep an eye on them.

In recent years, the general's surname was heard not only among his potential "targets" - journalists wrote about him as soon as reports of the arrest of another major official or businessman appeared in the criminal chronicle. The last time Feoktistov sounded in the context of a criminal case on receiving a large bribe by the Minister of Economy Alexei Ulyukaev.

Ex-Minister Alexei Ulyukaev. Photo: Valery Sharifulin / TASS

The arrest of the minister in November 2016 was the last and loudest operation for the general. But far from the most important and brightest.

Oleg Feoktistov not only has more than a hundred complex operational activities under his belt, but is also considered, no less than one of the architects of the current power system.

Largely thanks to the special officer, the FSB received what the Soviet KGB never had - control over the country's law enforcement and fiscal bodies.

The process of turning modern security officers into the main regulators of the power market was long and difficult - none of the parallel law enforcement structures wanted to part with their independence voluntarily. It began in the second half of the 2000s, when the FSB put the top of the Federal Service for the Control of Drug Trafficking (FSKN), and ended last summer with the resignation of the Director of the Federal Security Service (FSO) Yevgeny Murov and the replacement of the generals of the Federal Customs Service (FCS) with personnel security officers. For ten years, within the FSB itself, a dozen of deputy directors and heads of departments were replaced, each of whom was appointed by the president and formed its own vertical, which complicated expansion.

In this heterogeneous and constantly changing environment, a person was required who would execute the director's order, bypassing the long executive chain. A kind

a universal soldier, not burdened with a specific direction, but capable of solving any problem. This person was Oleg Feoktistov.

Little is known about the general's biography: he began his service in the Stavropol frontier detachment of the Border Troops of the KGB of the USSR, in the 90s he graduated from the FSB Academy, and in 2004, under the patronage of the head of the FSB's Internal Security Service Sergei Shishin, headed the 6th service, which is called the "six" in the Lubyanka ...

Formally, the service was created to provide state protection to witnesses and victims, and therefore its backbone was made up of fighters of the Center's elite special forces special purpose FSB. In reality, however, the "six" in their powers were not limited.

Maybe that's why she earned a rather bright nickname - the Inquisition.

Yesterday's members of the Alpha and Pennants, accustomed to working in combat conditions, did not differ in depth in operational work, but they knew how to find methods of influencing witnesses and suspects. For Feoktistov, this was even more convenient - he preferred to build operational combinations himself.

FSKN. First blood

In 2005, FSB FSB operatives, together with the department for combating smuggling and corruption in the customs authorities of the "K" department of the SEB FSB (counterintelligence in the credit and financial sphere), suppressed a large smuggling of consignments of Chinese clothing imported through the Far Eastern customs administration by rail and destined for sales in the capital Cherkizovsky market.

In the framework of the criminal case, which was in the proceedings of the head of the Department for Investigation of Particularly Important Cases of the Investigative Committee (IC) under the Prosecutor General's Office Vladimir Lyseiko, many people were detained - from clerks of little-known brokerage firms to Primorye officials.

The Cherkizovsky market, considered the main point of sale for cheap imported consumer goods, belonged to the Azerbaijani billionaire Telman Ismailov, a close friend of the then Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov, a lover of luxurious receptions and a great benefactor. In the circle of good acquaintances whom the businessman received at the Prague restaurant on Novy Arbat, he liked to flaunt close relations with the country's leadership and without hesitation showed joint photographs. Therefore, after receiving information about the detention of Chinese clothes in Vladivostok and in order to avoid searches, he turned for help to a frequent visitor to his restaurant, the head of the Presidential Security Service (SBP), Viktor Zolotov.

Information about the circumstances and details of the FSB operation interested first the Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Andrei Novikov, and then the Director of the Federal Drug Control Service Viktor Cherkesov, who instructed his deputy, the head of the operational support department, Alexander Bulbov, to conduct a secret check. The fact is that the ambitious General Cherkesov saw himself as the director of the FSB, and therefore the FSKN made attempts to get involved in the investigation of cases related to smuggling.

FSKN General Alexander Bulbov. Photo: RIA Novosti

Bulbov during the study of the stages of illegal import through Far East I came across an amazing find - the place of transshipment of imported goods was a warehouse near Moscow of a military unit of the FSB rear service, with which the carriers entered into lease agreements. So the criminal case, the initiation of which the Chekists sought, turned against themselves: the FSKN began to develop the leadership of several key divisions in the FSB at once for involvement in the organization of the channel of commodity smuggling.

Former employees of the FSKN said that as part of the operational and technical measures carried out by Bulbov, they allegedly managed to document the negotiations between the leadership of the FSB CSS and representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office, at which the prospects for excluding the most serious criminal offense - the creation of an organized criminal group - were discussed. Viktor Cherkesov, who at that time allowed himself to publicly criticize the activities of the FSB, spoke about a report to the president on this score.

What facts this report contained is not known for certain, but a few months later a number of high-ranking FSB generals were dismissed by presidential decree. Among them were the head of the organizational and inspection department, Yuri Anisimov, and the head of the Internal Security Service, Sergei Shishin. The latter was promoted to vice president at VTB Bank and joined the board of directors of Rosneft. In May 2006, Prosecutor General Yuri Ustinov was dismissed, and Yuri Chaika, who held this position, soon resumed the investigation of a high-profile criminal case on the smuggling of furniture in the Tri Kita stores. Operational support was carried out by the FSKN - General Cherchesov was gradually realizing his ambitions.

General Alexander Kupryazhkin (who at one time worked as a seconded FSB officer in the tax police, whose successor was the FSKN), was soon appointed the chief special officer of the Lubyanka. Oleg Feoktistov became his deputy, who was instructed to develop symmetrical measures.

Checking the interests of the Federal Drug Control Service brought General Feoktistov to St. Petersburg and the Krasnodar Territory, where channels operated for the smuggling of Chinese and Turkish clothing, all imported for the same "Cherkizon". The organizers of the channel, as it was established by the officers of the 6th service of the FSB CSS, were the owners of the St. Petersburg customs forwarder Rosmoravia and the heads of the Krasnodar fund for support of law enforcement agencies "Consul", associated with some officers of the Presidential Security Service.

In the summer of 2009, Vladimir Putin, at a meeting with the heads of law enforcement agencies, was outraged by the inaction of the latter in connection with the information released about the commodity consignments of contraband clothes worth 2 billion dollars, which is on the Cherkizovsky market.

The very next day after the meeting, the "six" made the detention of the owners of "Rosmoravia" on suspicion of evading customs payments on an especially large scale. It is noteworthy that the officers of the 2nd department of the St. Petersburg FSB, who were in charge of the north-western customs department, were not under investigation. And the point is not in a system that does not give up its own people - thanks to this operation, Oleg Feoktistov was able to recruit individual employees of the St. Petersburg administration for further work.

Recruiting valuable personnel will later become the hallmark of the general, who will create a powerful agent network in many law enforcement structures.

However, the country did see the trial of high-ranking security officials: in September 2007, the "six" detained FSKN general Alexander Bulbov and his subordinates on suspicion of illegal wiretapping of FSB officers. The basis for the criminal prosecution of the fighters against drug trafficking was the testimony of two Moscow police officers about the use by Bulbov of the USTM (Department of Special Technical Measures) of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Moscow to control the Chekists.

Despite the rather scant evidence, the FSKN operatives were taken into custody, and a joke was born in the Lubyanka: Oleg Feoktistov introduced the Old Testament practice of proving guilt with two evidences into the Criminal Procedure Code. It should be noted that there is some truth in this joke - the detention of people on the basis of testimony was often practiced by the FSB's Internal Security Service, which was pointed out by many law enforcement officers.

But General Feoktistov, unlike his theoretical colleagues, trusted more practice, which formed an immutable truth: any apparatus intrigue, in the name of which the president's name and trust is allowed to be abused, is the main proof of guilt.

General Cherkesov was dismissed. Billionaire Telman Ismailov left the country and has been on the wanted list ever since. All photographs from his office were seized by FSB officers during a search.

General Prosecutor's Office. How to beat the casino

Prosecutor Alexander Ignatenko. Photo: RIA Novosti

In March 2011, an information bomb went off on federal channels: several district prosecutors of the Moscow region were detained by FSB officers as part of an investigation into the activities of underground gambling establishments. The prosecutors were guilty of corruption, according to the investigation - they defended the casino network from encroachments by control services for regular bribes from its owner, businessman Ivan Nazarov.

This criminal case was the first high-profile investigation for the Investigative Committee and its chairman, Alexander Bastrykin, who, as a result of the adoption of the federal law, came out of the departmental subordination of the Prosecutor General's Office and became an independent element in the law enforcement system of Russia.

The shock fist in the investigation group formed by the chairman of the TFR was made up of people from the Volgograd administration, who moved to Moscow after Bastrykin's deputy Valery Alyshev. Among all, the young "important" Denis Nikandrov, who, years later, was to become the main star of the investigating authorities, stood out.

The investigation from the very first day was accompanied by constant leaks in the media of the materials of the criminal case. All this was spiced up with regular hints from anonymous sources of news agencies about the possible involvement of high-ranking officials of the Prosecutor General's Office in the crime. The TV viewers, who daily watched the footage of the arrests of prosecutors and the biting comments of Alexander Bastrykin, should have got the impression that the initiator and engine of this criminal case was the Investigative Committee. The heads of the investigative body, which in the public mind began to be perceived as something self-sufficient and weighty, supported this image.

But after the main sensation ran on the air of the TV channels - the son of the Prosecutor General Artyom Chaika was summoned for interrogation in the ICR in the Technical Lane - information about active participation in the FSB investigation appeared in the public space. It turned out after the personal intervention of the then President Dmitry Medvedev: at first he held a meeting with Alexander Bastrykin and Yuri Chaika, demanding to stop disclosing the investigation materials and speculating on the names of relatives, and then fired the Deputy Director of the FSB Vyacheslav Ushakov (an official audit showed his connection with information leaks).

Prosecutor Dmitry Urumov. Photo: RIA Novosti

The "case of Moscow region prosecutors", for the first time in history, forced the Prosecutor General's Office, headed by Yuri Chaika, to appeal to the Constitution in defense of its employees, was initiated by the Investigative Committee on the basis of operational materials from the 6th service of Oleg Feoktistov. The first signal collection about the connection between the workers of the supervisory agency near Moscow and the owners of underground casinos was received by the special officers back in 2009. For the next two years, the information seems to have been carefully prepared for implementation. As the now arrested employee of the TFR admits, the operation against the prosecutors of the Internal Security Service of the FSB was prepared jointly with the chief special officer of the TFR Mikhail Maksimenko, his deputy Alexander Lamonov, as well as Valery Alyshev. They performed the operational tasks of the security officers.

This criminal case, which promised to become unprecedented in terms of the political level of potential defendants, as a result, hardly reached the court. District prosecutors were released, personnel reshuffles took place in the Prosecutor General's Office, in terms of their scale more like cosmetic repairs. But for the FSB, this hardly became bad news: Yuri Chaika and his deputies, who had previously treated the Lubyanka generals without special reverence (and therefore did not support the investigators' petitions when choosing a preventive measure for their suspects and did not approve indictments in some criminal cases), became much more loyal. And the Deputy Prosecutor General Vladimir Malinovsky, who canceled the decisions of the investigators in the framework of the "gambling case", later defended the position of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation and the Internal Security Service of the FSB in the case against the General of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Sugrobov.

Ministry of Internal Affairs. Endgame for the general

General of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Denis Sugrobov. Photo: Anton Novoderezhkin / TASS

In the spring of 2014, the Ministry of Internal Affairs was shaken by a scandal: high-ranking officials of the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Combating Corruption (GUEBiPK) of the Ministry were arrested on charges of abuse of office, which was expressed in the illegal prosecution of officials and entrepreneurs. Subsequently, the Investigative Committee, on the basis of operational materials from the 6th service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB, accused them of participation in a criminal community, the organization of which was imputed to the head of the central board Denis Sugrobov.

Novaya Gazeta wrote about this case as part of the special project “The Case of the Special Services”. The arrests of the police were preceded by a protracted conflict between two generals - Sugrobov and Feoktistov, about the true reasons for which both prefer not to expand.

The news of the upcoming dismissal of the former special officer from the FSB made it possible to find out new, not yet studied circumstances of this confrontation.

Feoktistov and Sugrobov met long before their units became the foremost in the law enforcement system, and even managed to carry out several joint operational implementations. The police general in his testimony admitted that a trusting relationship had developed between them then and he even introduced his colleague to the head of the Moscow Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the future Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev.

The reason for the discord in relations between the two generals, as Sugrobov himself said, was his former colleague in the DEB Ministry of Internal Affairs (predecessor of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs) Andrei Khorev. This officer was transferred to ORB No. 7 in the mid-2000s from the tax police, where he worked under Viktor Cherkesov, and in 2010 was considered Sugrobov's main competitor for the post of head of the newly created GUEBiPK. Both police officers experienced mutual hostility, which they did not hide even in front of the junior officers. Personal relationships were also superimposed on the relationships of workers - investigating high-profile economic crimes, they collected compromising information on each other.

Shortly before Dmitry Medvedev ordered the formation of a list of candidates for the post of head of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs, Andrei Khorev unexpectedly suggested that Denis Sugrobov bury the ax of war.

The settlement of mutual claims took place at lunch in the Starlite Diner cafe, opposite the ministry building on Oktyabrskaya Square. Sugrobov chose this place after he learned that following their conversation, Khorev was going to meet with his comrade. The next day, he was already studying the covert audio recording of these talks by Khorev - all cafes near the ministry were equipped with means of objective control on the orders of the young general.

Hearing the characteristics addressed to him and learning about the future plans of the old-new enemy, Denis Sugrobov showed the decryption to the management and began the active development of Andrey Khorev. Soon, ORB No. 10 of the DEB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Denis Sugrobov, received a statement from the top manager of the Russian representative office of the Danish developer of video systems Bang and Olufsen, in which it was reported that a large sum of money had been extorted from Khorev's subordinates. Since Denis Sugrobov did not trust the police special forces (GUSB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs), he suggested Oleg Feoktistov, the deputy head of the FSB's CSS, to realize this information. But the operational experiment was not destined to take place.

For a long time, officers from Sugrobov's inner circle reassured their boss, who did not know about the main feature of his FSB colleague: he preferred to turn potential victims into loyal vassals.

The next meeting of the two generals took place already in 2011 in the building of the FSB's Internal Security Service, where Denis Sugrobov came to meet General Alexander Kupryazhkin. Sugrobov recalled how Feoktistov, in his office, persuaded him to make peace with Khorev. Since then, relations between the generals have only worsened: the employees of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs (which was eventually headed by Sugrobov) developed everyone who could be involved in intelligence cooperation by the "six" or were in the status of a confidant of special officers.

The general of the police targeted bankers, officials of the Moscow government, customs officials and even employees of the Main Directorate of Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Some of them held business meetings in the closed offices of the restaurant in the Nautilus shopping center opposite the FSB building on Lubyanka, where the employees of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs carried out operational and technical measures.

It is difficult to understand what motivated Denis Sugrobov at this moment: the desire to displace the leadership of the 6th service of the FSB's Internal Security Service, to recruit its agents, or a simple human insult. Once Sugrobov admitted that he was forced to do this by the order of the presidential aide for personnel policy Yevgeny Shkolov, who had once recommended the general to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

One way or another, the operational control over the environment of the "six" can hardly be explained by the fight against corruption: the information collected was never implemented, and the agents of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs (the same bankers, officials and security officials), by and large, nothing from "colleagues in the shop" did not differ - held similar meetings, discussed the same topics.

I do not know exactly when General Feoktistov learned about the actions of Sugrobov's subordinates, who did not entrust the development in Nautilus even to his closest subordinates. For a long time, the FSB FSB did not show aggression against the anti-corruption headquarters of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and began to act only in 2013 - after the arrest by the GUEBiPK officers Alexander Romanov, adviser to the head of the FSUE "ROSTEK" subordinate customs service and partner Andrey Khorev.

Just at this time, the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs became close to the "M" Department of the FSB. This unit carries out counterintelligence support in law enforcement agencies, coordinating large appointments, and promptly services the Lefortovo special isolation ward (SIZO 99/2) and the Matrosskaya Tishina special unit (SIZO 99/1). A wide technical toolkit for operational work made it a structure comparable to the 6th service of the FSB's CSS.

The main backbone in this department was made up of people from the Rostov department of the FSB, who paid special attention to two areas - the transport police and the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Subordinates of Sugrobov and operatives of the "M" Department of the FSB closely interacted: the former carried out some operational tasks of the supervisors, and they, in turn, did not interfere with their work and career growth.

Some employees of the police headquarters, among whom were even those close to Denis Sugrobov, were under operational control in the "M" Department of the FSB. For interaction with counterintelligence officers, Boris Kolesnikov was responsible - Sugrobov's deputy, his close friend and right hand in operational work (by the way, he also worked with the confidants of police officers in the field of business and the state apparatus).

In Directorate M of the FSB, for a long time, the direction of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was supervised by Sergei Gribanov, but officer Dmitry Senin retained influence on him, who went to work in the organizational and inspection department of the FSB (in fact, performing the functions of the control and audit department of the Lubyanka).

FSB colonels Senin and Gribanov, as well as their subordinate Major Yevgeny Lobanov, played a key role in the defeat of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs.

They managed to convince Boris Kolesnikov and his subordinate Alexei Bodnar of the need to start developing the leadership of the 6th service of the FSB's Internal Security Service, the purpose of which was to document the fact of corruption and undermine the position of Oleg Feoktistov. The blow to the "six" did not contradict the opinion of the top generals of the special service, the curators assured Kolesnikov - and promised to cover his back.

Then the deputy chief of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began planning an operation to document corruption in the 6th service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB. The operation ended with the detention of the police themselves and the beginning of a large investigation, the defendants of which were Kolesnikov and his subordinates, and ultimately Denis Sugrobov.

Only three years later it turned out that Senin, Gribanov and Lobanov at that time were carrying out an operational task of the 6th service of the FSB's CSS, which pushed the police to provoke. They were assisted by Igor Zhigarev, Deputy Head of the Main Directorate of the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who even today carries out delicate requests from the Chekists.

It is hard to believe that Sugrobov was not privy to the details of the upcoming operation against the "six" - any operational measures in relation to those who were somehow close to Oleg Feoktistov were agreed with him personally. Rather, the police general, who was nicknamed Grandmaster among his relatives for his great love of chess, simply did not know about the moves of his opponent, who had already seen what the endgame would be like for this game.

In the spring of this year, the Moscow City Court sentenced Sugrobov to 22 years in prison (his subordinates also received long sentences - from 17 to 20 years).

While in Lefortovo, Denis Sugrobov recalled a detail from the biography of Dmitry Senin - among his confidants in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko, who came from the Rostov tax police department, with whom the Chekist also had family relations.

General Feoktistov, on the other hand, allegedly did not even know about the existence of the colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs: when recruiting the most significant officers, the agents of the latter also fell into his agent network, who effectively used the power given to them for their own purposes, becoming multimillionaires.

FSO. How the guards were kicked out

Billionaire Dmitry Mikhalchenko. Photo: RIA Novosti

In March 2016, operatives of the 6th Internal Security Service of the FSB detained billionaire Dmitry Mikhalchenko, co-owner of the Forum holding. The entrepreneur, whose structures monopolized the market for state orders in the field of restoration, was considered close to the family of FSO director Yevgeny Murov. Mikhalchenko was accused of smuggling consignments of expensive alcohol intended for sale in his Buddha-Bar restaurant, and his junior business partners were charged with embezzlement while carrying out work on the restoration of the Ministry of Culture facilities and the construction of the Novo-Ogarevo and Bocharov Ruchey residences. Soon after Mikhalchenko's arrest, the long-term director of the FSO Yevgeny Murov was relieved of his post.

Since its inception, the FSO has been a special service comparable to the FSB in terms of the level of authority and technical equipment. Possessing its own system of operational-search measures (SORM), it could exercise independent operational control over the communications of officials, businessmen and fellow security officials. It is no coincidence that the employees of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the time of Denis Sugrobov used the SORM of the operational management of the FSO to wiretap telephone conversations and remove information from the technical communication channels of objects of interest.

But it was not the technical side of the issue that made the secret service a competitor for the FSB, but the figure of its chief: Yevgeny Murov was not just a permanent member of the Security Council, but also the person physically closest to the president. (The presidential security service, which guards Vladimir Putin, is part of the FSO structure.)

The entrepreneur Dmitry Mikhalchenko often used this argument to derive personal benefit in many business negotiations: his structures entered into contracts with the Ministry of Culture, as well as state enterprises. different regions country.

Mikhalchenko's partners and comrades, who witnessed his harsh statements about the FSB leadership and references to the president in the negotiations, deliberately moved away from the businessman - as if they had a presentiment of trouble. True, the opposite was also observed: the remaining entourage pushed Mikhalchenko to such actions.

All this happened in 2015, when the St. Petersburg department of the FSB had already received instructions from colleagues from the central office to listen to Dmitry Mikhalchenko's negotiations and document his business meetings. At the same time, Mikhail Kozhemyakin, adviser to the Minister of Vladimir Medinsky, assigned to the Ministry of Culture by the Service for the Protection of the Constitutional System and the Fight against Terrorism (SZKSiBT) of the FSB, received an order to collect information for a future criminal case.

The implementation of operational information took place in March last year: the security officers detained numerous managers of construction companies that were part of the Forum holding, and then Dmitry Mikhalchenko himself. The co-owner of the holding had no formal relationship with the companies, therefore, during interrogations as a witness, he referred to ignorance.

Six months later, the businessman has already applied for additional interrogation, but has repeatedly been refused. They did not begin to record his testimony as part of the investigation into the smuggling of alcoholic products as irrelevant.

The operation against Dmitry Mikhalchenko, who, on the day of the election of a measure of restraint in court, laughed at the smuggling imputed to him, revealed another unique quality of General Oleg Feoktistov: in fulfilling the task, he was looking for the object of development for a crime that excluded the prosecution of persons who had not been seen on the Lubyanka among the accused.

Immediately after Mikhalchenko's arrest, Evgeny Murov headed the board of directors of Transneft, and Forum structures continued to fulfill existing government contracts, but with updated management - Nikita Murov, the grandson of the former FSO director, entered the holding's board of directors.

FCS. Backward calculation

Search at the head of the FCS Andrei Belyaninov. Photo: Gazeta.Ru

At the end of July 2016, operatives of the 6th service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB came with a search to the office and country houses FCS Chairman Andrey Belyaninov.

The country's chief customs officer became the target of the FSB in 2010, when he was able to achieve full autonomy of customs from the Lubyanka. This happened after Belyaninov pointed out to the president that the owner of the Cherkizovsky market, Telman Ismailov, had commercial ties with his deputy Igor Zavrazhny. This venerable FSB general, seconded to the customs at the beginning of the 2000s, headed the operational units of the FCS and acted with an eye only on the Lubyanka.

The scandal around the Cherkizovsky market was not limited to the recall of only Zavrazhny to the staff of the seconded FSB officers - all the employees of the operational divisions of the customs lost their jobs in the customs. The FSB suspected that their colleague Leonid Grachkov, a relative of Viktor Voronin, head of the FSB SEB Directorate K, and one of the few officers who removed the Chekist's shoulder straps for further service in customs, had declassified information about the infiltrated officers.

General Voronin, by the way, wrote a resignation letter in June 2016.

And a month later, special officers of the Lubyanka raided into the possession of Andrei Belyaninov. Investigative actions took place within the framework of the case of alcohol smuggling by Dmitry Mikhalchenko. In search of evidence of the crimes of a St. Petersburg businessman, operatives of the 6th service of the FSB Internal Security Service obtained evidence from businessman Anatoly Kindzersky, whose company "Contrail Logistic North-West" carried out the import and customs clearance of alcoholic beverages.

This company, among other things, had the status of an authorized economic operator of the FCS, which made it possible to carry out customs declaration of cargo within a month after its actual release for free circulation.

Former partners of Dmitry Mikhalchenko said that Kindzersky was bribed by the promised prospect of getting a customs terminal in the port of Bronka, the construction of which was being completed by the structures of the Forum holding, and therefore he agreed to this dubious enterprise.

At the same time, people from Kindzersky's entourage shared that the customs operator always consulted with the St. Petersburg department of the FSB when performing risky deliveries.

Be that as it may, immediately after the arrest, Kindzersky concluded a pre-trial agreement, within the framework of which he testified about agreements with the head of the security service Dmitry Mikhalchenko, but most importantly, he disclosed the circumstances of obtaining the status of an authorized economic operator.

Thanks to these testimonies, the FSB obtained grounds for a search in the companies of the Arsenal group of entrepreneur Sergei Lobanov, who was a member of the inner circle of FCS chairman Andrei Belyaninov, as well as in the office of the head of customs.

According to the results of the searches carried out, Andrei Belyaninov was dismissed - his place was taken by the presidential envoy in the North-West federal district FSB Lieutenant General Vladimir Bulavin, who returned the seconded Lubyanka officers to the customs.

This personnel decision, as subsequent events showed, was spontaneous and unprepared: President Vladimir Putin during his message The Federal Assembly criticized the investigating authorities for disclosing photographs taken during a search in Belyaninov's house (they showed large amounts of cash and jewelry seized).

The matter was not limited to public dragging: many high-ranking officers of the FSB and the Investigative Committee of Russia lost their positions, but the main personnel sensation was the resignation of General Feoktistov from the post of Deputy Head of the FSB's Internal Security Service.

Perhaps the FSB leadership believed that he was responsible for his subordinates, who took photographs in Belyaninov's house.

But it is unlikely that he could influence the decision of the leadership of the federal channels to use these personnel in news releases.

Be that as it may, with the end of the FSB's crusade against the "allies", General Feoktistov was sacrificed.

The general was defended by the executive director of Rosneft Igor Sechin, who secured the transfer of Oleg Feoktistov to his company as vice president for security - as a seconded employee of the FSB SEB Directorate P.

Minister. Last operation

In the fall of 2016, Rosneft acquired the right to buy out a controlling stake in Bashneft, which belonged to the Republic of Bashkortostan, and General Feoktistov was sent to Ufa for a comprehensive audit.

General Feoktistov was well aware of the state of affairs in Bashneft even during his service in the FSB's Internal Security Service, where he was investigating a criminal case against billionaire Vladimir Yevtushenkov, the owner of AFK-Sistema, which at that time owned the asset.

At the end of 2014, the investigative group of the TFR under the leadership of Valery Alyshev and with the operational support of the 6th service of the FSB's Internal Security Service detained Yevtushenkov on suspicion of legalizing property obtained by criminal means. According to the investigation, such property was the controlling stake in Bashneft, which Yevtushenkov bought out from the structures of the son of the ex-head of Bashkortostan Ural Rakhimov.

Shortly before the arrest of the current head of Bashkortostan, Rustem Khamitov, addressed President Vladimir Putin with a letter in which he noted the economic problems in the region and drew attention to the loss of his main asset - a controlling stake in Bashneft.

High-ranking officials of the presidential administration noticed at the same time that complaints against the management of Bashneft were primarily related to the activities of the new shareholders - the allegedly built chain of oil production, processing at Belarusian refineries and sales enriched oil traders, but not the republican budget. Then AFK-Sistema voluntarily transferred the shares of Bashneft to the Ministry of Property of Bashkortostan, and the criminal prosecution of Yevtushenkov was terminated.

Close acquaintances of the billionaire observed strong changes in his behavior: the entrepreneur, who once married his daughter to the son of the head of the FSB Special Forces Center, General Alexander Tikhonov, for a long time managed to avoid problems with the Lubyanka.

Already as the vice-president of Rosneft, Oleg Feoktistov had to upset the businessman again. As established by the security officers of the state company, shortly before the transfer of shares to the Republic of Bashkortostan, the Board of Directors of Bashneft made a decision on the future sale of significant volumes of oil to several offshore companies.

The price of the concluded deals in Rosneft was considered unreasonably low, but they did not challenge it in foreign courts - the litigation could drag on for years and did not guarantee a positive outcome.

In this regard, this spring, Rosneft filed a claim with the Arbitration Court of Bashkortostan against AFK-Sistema for damages allegedly incurred from the reorganization of Bashneft in 2013-2014. The essence of this claim was criticized by the legal service of Sistema, but the oil company made it clear: the defendant knows exactly what he will have to pay for ...

General Feoktistov, who worked on preparing the company for this trial, soon returned to his usual and beloved operational work.

In November 2016, FSB officers detained the Minister of Economic Development Alexei Ulyukayev while receiving a bribe in the amount of $ 2 million at the Rosneft office for overcoming obstacles in the privatization of Bashneft.

For the first time in a long time, General Feoktistov, who began the development of the minister as the deputy head of the FSB's CSS, personally took part in the operational and investigative actions.

While instructing the employees of Directorate K of the FSB SEB (which was headed by Ivan Tkachev, the head of the 6th service of the FSB CSS), Oleg Feoktistov was in a good mood when instructing the employees of Directorate K of the SEB FSB (which was headed by Ivan Tkachev).

The circumstances of this criminal case, which were leaked to the press, were criticized by lawyers: the official did not insist on a meeting, but received an invitation from the executive director of Rosneft Igor Sechin and even canceled a scheduled meeting at the Ministry of Economic Development.

But at Lubyanka they made it clear: like the former management of Bashneft, the ex-minister knows the real reason for his criminal prosecution ...

One way or another, the next day after the arrest, Aleksey Ulyukaev took Oleg Feoktistov's close friend Aleksandr Vershinin as his lawyer, and to this day he answers questions about the circumstances of the criminal case: "Provocation."

In the framework of this case, Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich and Russian Presidential Aide Andrei Belousov were questioned as witnesses, and Oleg Feoktistov, who had perked up in spirit, began to congratulate him on a historic event - the last time an acting member of the Cabinet of Ministers was detained more than half a century ago. And although today many hardly remember who exactly arrested Lavrenty Beria, it is quite symbolic that the effective operation against Alexei Ulyukaev was the last for General Feoktistov.

In March of this year, he was recalled from Rosneft to the staff of the seconded FSB officers, where he was informed of his dismissal. The reasons for this decision were not communicated to the general public, but at the same time oil company withdrew claims against Transneft, on which Oleg Feoktistov also began work.

After the news about the dismissal of the general, a hypertensive crisis overtook - an ambulance was called directly to the Lubyanka. Famous for his steadfastness and toughness in the performance of state tasks, he sent officials, security officials and billionaires to the cells of pre-trial detention centers, the general gave up the slack due to the loss of his job. It is not hard to guess what exactly this work was for him.