Internal policy of Alexander 1 1815 1825. What we will do with the received material
Date____________
Lesson 6. Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825.
Goal: show and explain the inconsistency of the domestic policy
Alexander I in the postwar years.
Basic concepts: constitution; inviolability of the person; civil
freedom; independence; independence; autonomy; mysticism; Jesuits.
Key dates:1815 - adoption of the Polish constitution; 1820 - project
Novosiltsev's "charter"; 1822 - Prohibition of the activities of secret
organizations.
Personalities:Alexander I; ...
Equipment: textbook:, Kosulina of Russia. XIX
century. - M., 2000; , Kosulina notebook for the textbook
"Russian history. XIX century ".
Plan
1. Changes in domestic politics.
2. Polish constitution.
3. Reform project.
4. Refusal to carry out reforms
in the early 20s. XIX century.
5. The main results of the internal policy of Alexander I.
During the classes
I. Organizational moment
II. Homework check
III. Learning a new topic
IV. Consolidation of the studied material
V. Summing up
III. Learning a new topic
Introductory word.
Question: What moods and hopes for the future were in Russian society after the Patriotic War of 1812?
The mood common for all layers can be conveyed by the words: “Unforgettable time! Time of glory and delight! How hard the Russian heart beat at the word "Fatherland"! How sweet were the tears of the date! With what unanimity we combined feelings of national pride and love for the sovereign! And what a minute for him! "
1. Changes in domestic politics
“The changes in the war with Napoleon opened up brilliant opportunities for Alexander I to carry out major reforms in the country. The tsar's reformist intentions coincided with the general expectation of changes in all segments of the population. The nobility spoke of a future constitution. The peasants who defended their homeland in the fight against the enemy hoped for the abolition of serfdom.
But he had to take into account something else: the conservative layers perceived the victory of the nobility over Napoleon as another evidence of the superiority of the Russian
orders over Western European "unnecessary and harmful reforms.
With this in mind, Alexander 1, not abandoning the idea of \u200b\u200breforms. was forced to lead
development in the strictest confidence, if the proposals of the secret committee and Speransky were constantly discussed, then new reforms were prepared by a narrow circle of people in an atmosphere of complete secrecy.
2. Polish constitution
The first task that Alexander tried to solve after the end of the war was the granting of a constitution to Poland.
Question: How did the Kingdom of Poland become part of Russian Empire?
Answer: based on the results of the Vienna Congress.
Let's write: 1815 - Alexander I grants the Constitution to the Kingdom of Poland.
The developed constitution guaranteed personal inviolability, freedom of the press, eliminated such forms of punishment as deprivation of property and exile without a court decision, etc.
The Russian emperor was declared the head of the Polish state. Legislative power belonged to SEIM (estate representative institution) and the tsar. The right to vote was limited by property CENSES. The Diet meets twice a year and works no more than a month.
The Polish constitution became the first such document on the territory of the Russian Empire. For the adoption of the Constitution, Alexander I personally came to Warsaw in 1815.
Attitude:
1. Poles - the adoption of the constitution is the beginning of the path to complete independence;
2. Alexander I - the biggest step towards Poland, he believed that he had already done too much for Poland.
The Polish constitution was the largest step - Alexander I on the path of reforms during his entire reign. Considered the "Polish experiment". as the beginning of the path for the whole of Russia.
Working with the document: "From the speech of AlexanderI "
“The education that existed in your region allowed me to immediately introduce which I have bestowed upon you, guided by the rules of lawfully free institutions, which have been incessantly the subject of my thoughts (…….)
You gave me a means to show my fatherland that I for a long time already prepared himand what it will use when the beginning of such an important matter is reached proper maturity... (… ..) You are called to give great example Europe, fixing its eyes on you. "
Question to the document:
- What were the further intentions of AlexanderI regarding the constitutional order?
Answer: about the subsequent introduction of the constitution for all territories of Russia - Alexander I spoke extremely carefully and in a general manner. But words about the possibility and desirability of a constitution for Russia were spoken. Its introduction depended on the success of the Polish experience and the achievement of a certain level of development by Russia.
- How the society perceived Alexander's speechI?
Answer: some expected the speedy introduction of the constitution throughout Russia. Others saw the danger. It was believed that the constitution was impossible without the liberation of the peasants, which would ultimately lead to revolution and people's disobedience to the authorities.
2. Reform project
In 1818, Alexander I gave the Minister of Justice a secret order to prepare a "state charter" (draft constitution) for Russia. By 1820, the text of the document was ready and approved.
Let's write:Draft Constitution.
Conversation with a studentaccording to the read:
What was the name of the draft constitution?
("Charter of the Russian Empire")
- What civil liberties were granted to the population according to the "Charter of the Russian Empire"?
Answer: (Freedom of speech, religion, equality of all before the law, personal inviolability)
- If the draft constitution was adopted, can we recall talking about the limitation of autocracy?(students can be reminded that autocracy is unlimited, absolute power of the monarch in Russia)
Answer: (However, the legislative initiative - the right to submit draft laws for their discussion in parliament - belonged to the emperor. Therefore, the latter could not propose to parliament the bills that did not suit him. Legislative power was divided between the representative institution and the emperor)
3. Refusal to carry out reforms in the early 20s.
“Towards the end of the reign, the emperor was faced with the fact that the reform projects were actively opposed by the majority of the nobles. Throughout Europe, a revolutionary movement was growing, which influenced russian societyfeeling, on the one hand, the pressure of the nobles, and on the other, fear of popular demonstrations, the emperor began to curtail his reform plans.
A backward movement also began: decrees were issued, once again allowing the landlords to exile peasants to Siberia, supervision over the content of newspapers, magazines, books, etc.
Unresolved problems public life superimposed on the personal experiences of Alexander, who lost his daughters and sister in a short time - the king saw God's punishment. Hence the strengthening of the emperor's religiosity, and then mysticism. In the interests of the Russian Orthodox Church, he banned the activities of the Jesuits, increased the number of hours allocated in educational institutions for religious education and renamed the Ministry of Public Education into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. "
Conclusion: none of the issues that the Russian society hoped to resolve was not resolved. There is disappointment in the ability to change anything. The hopes and disappointment of society in the policy of the authorities in 1818 expressed in his poem "Fairy Tale":
For joy in bed
The child jumped up:
“Really really?
Really not joking?
And his mother:
"Bye Bye! Close your eyes;
It's time to sleep finally
Hearing like a king-father
Tells fairy tales ”.
5. The main results of the internal policy of Alexander I.
Reasons for the refusal of Alexander I from the planned reforms:
1. Powerful resistance of the overwhelming part of the nobility, which did not want any changes;
2. Revolutions in several countries Western Europe frightened and forced to abandon radical transformations, which, in the opinion of many, could lead to a revolution in Russia;
3. In addition, the emperor himself believed that the peasantry was not ready for freedom.
IV. Consolidation of the studied material
Answer the questions of the textbook # 2, # 3, # 5. p.45.
Exercise 1
Using the material of the textbook, answer the question: what factors contributed to the implementation of reforms in Russia, and what hindered it after the end of the Patriotic War?
Stimulated reforms:
1. Victory in the war with Napoleon.
2. Expectation of change by all sectors of society.
3. the liberal nobility dreamed of a constitution, the peasants - about the abolition of serfdom, the Poles - about the introduction of Western European laws.
Restrained reforms:
1. The victory over Napoleon for the Conservatives testified to the superiority of the Russian order.
2. Restoration of the old order in Europe.
Task 2 *
Using the material from the textbook, write a short story about the development and adoption of the Polish constitution, as well as its main provisions from the words of a Polish nobleman or a Russian noble-conservative.
The Constitution of Poland, developed in 1815, guaranteed us the inviolability of the person, freedom of the press, the use of the Polish language in all government institutions, etc. Legislative power belonged to the Sejm and the Tsar. But nevertheless, we were not allowed to pass bills on our own. They should have been sent for consideration to the State Council. For a while, she allowed to relieve tension between the government and the Polish population. We practically became the masters of our land.
Assignment 3
Read the document and answer the questions in writing.
V.O. Klyuchevsky about Alexander I in 1813-1825
The storms of the war years blew away the overhead paints; historical makeup was no longer needed; the Tilsit polishinel no longer disturbed pride; there was no one to play; felt the need to be myself. He had no connection with Russia, neither moral, nor even ethnographic: the grandson of a German from Holstein and a German woman from Anhalt-Zerbst, he was born from a princess from Württemberg, raised by a German woman from Livonia, raised by a Voltairean from Switzerland. With a past composed of such accidents, Alexander, after the Napoleonic Wars, created a situation in Russia full of contradictions.
On the one hand, Alexander was a supporter of liberal reforms, and on the other hand, he wanted to preserve the existing state system.
How did these contradictions affect the character of the tsar's domestic policy after the Patriotic War?
Refusal to carry out reforms. The landowners were again allowed to exile the peasants to Siberia, censorship increased. Prohibition of secret organizations and persecution of their members. The order of the Jesuits is prohibited.
Which ones were defining? Why?
Refusal to carry out reforms. The number of supporters of these reforms was small. Alexander had no one to rely on. He was also afraid that he would suffer the fate of his father.
Assignment 4
Assignment 5
Explain the meaning of the concepts:
The Constitution is the main law of the state, a special normative legal act that has supreme legal force. The constitution defines the foundations of political, legal and economic systems state.
Age limit is the age at which one can participate in elections, referendums or hold a certain position.
"Charter of the Russian Empire" - Novosiltsev's constitutional project.
Mysticism is a belief in the mysterious, inexplicable to the human mind.
The Jesuit Order is a Catholic monastic organization that aims to strengthen and spread Catholicism and the power of the Pope.
Assignment 6
Fill in the table using the materials from the tutorial.
Assignment 7
Assignment 8
Give a generalized description of Emperor Alexander I.
He was brought up at the court of his grandmother. He was well brought up and educated, knew 3 European languages. His mentor was F.S. Laharpe, who instilled in the emperor liberal views. Life on "two minds" (with Catherine and his father) made him two-faced and deceitful. In his actions, he was indecisive and inconsistent. He had to maneuver between liberals and conservatives. Despite the beginning of the reforms, Alexander sometimes suspended them, then began again. He could not be firm in his decisions. All his life he was tormented by the thought that his father had been killed with his tacit consent.
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Slide captions:
INTERNAL POLITICS OF ALEXANDER I IN 1815-1825 S.A. Banquetova
NEW ATTEMPTS OF REFORM The victory over Napoleon lifted Alexander I to the pinnacle of power and gave him colossal authority. Now the tsar could return to the projects of reforms, which he had to abandon in 1812. What reforms did Alexander consider necessary and most important on the eve of the Patriotic War of 1812? The introduction of constitutional government and the abolition of serfdom. Alexander I. Engraving from the original art. F.I. Volkova, 1814?
POLISH CONSTITUTION In 1815, Alexander I granted the constitution to Poland. Polish subjects received: freedom of the press, personal inviolability, equality of estates before the law, independence of the court. A bicameral legislature was created. The upper house - the Senate - was appointed by the emperor. The lower house was elected. Legislative initiative - only with the emperor. The emperor approved the laws adopted by the Diet. Coat of arms of the Kingdom of Poland within the Russian Empire (approved in 1832)
WARSAW SPEECH 1818 At the opening of the Polish Diet in 1818, the tsar declared: “The education that existed in your land allowed me to immediately introduce what I gave you, guided by the rules of legally free institutions, which were incessantly the subject of my thoughts ... , you gave me a means to show my Fatherland what I have been preparing for him for a long time and what it will use when the beginnings of such an important matter reach the proper maturity. " Portrait of Emperor Alexander I. Hood. J. Doe.
WARSAW SPEECH 1818 G.M. Speransky: “How ... from two or three words of the Warsaw speech can such huge and incongruous consequences occur with the very meaning of these words? .. If the landowners, the class of people, no doubt, the most enlightened, see nothing more in this speech as freedom peasants, then how can you demand that the simple people could see something else here? " Why was the nobility afraid of the abolition of serfdom, although not a word was said about this in Alexander I's speech? The nobility instinctively understood that it would be impossible to maintain slavery in a constitutional country. ?
CHARTER OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN 1818-1820 in Warsaw under the leadership of N.N. Novosiltsev, the draft constitution of Russia was drawn up - "Charter of the Russian Empire". The electoral law, structure and powers of the Diet in the "Charter" are the same as in the Polish constitution. But Russia was divided into 12 governorships. Local seims were created in them. N.N. Novosiltsev. Hood. S.S. Shchukin.
THE CHARTER OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE Powers of the Emperor: The exclusive right of legislative initiative, approval of the laws adopted by the Seim. The right of the final selection of deputies of the lower chambers of the Seimas from among the elected (1/2 elected to the national Seimas and 2/3 elected to local Seimas). Leadership of the executive branch, army, church. Declaration of war and conclusion of peace, appointment of ambassadors and officials. The right to pardon. Thus, with the adoption of the Charter, the political system of Russia would combine autocracy with a constitutional system. !
THE PEASANT ISSUE According to M.A. Fonvizin, young Russian officers compared "everything they saw abroad with what they imagined at every step in their homeland: slavery of the powerless majority of Russians, abuse of power, arbitrariness reigning everywhere - all this outraged and indignant educated Russians and their patriotic feeling" ... How influenced Patriotic War and Foreign trip to the socio-political situation in Russia? Mikhail Alexandrovich Fonvizin (1788–1854), in 1812 - lieutenant, finished the campaign of 1813 with the rank of colonel. ?
THE PEASANT QUESTION 1816 - the granting of personal freedom to the peasants of Estonia at the request of the local nobility. 1817 - The liberation of the peasants of Courland. 1819 - the liberation of the peasants of Livonia. The land remained in the ownership of the landowner. The landlords were obliged to lease half of the land to the peasants, but after the expiration of the lease term, the landowner could drive the tenant off the land, replacing it with another. Why did the landowners of the Baltic (Ostsee Territory) ask for the landless release of the serfs? Local landowners were familiar with the European experience and understood that hired labor was more profitable than serf labor. ?
THE PEASANT QUESTION The Tsar's attempts to defeat the same petitions of the Russian and Ukrainian landowners were in vain. Why did the autocratic tsar seek petitions from the nobles for the release of the peasants, and did not abolish serfdom by his decree? If the abolition of serfdom became the initiative of the landowners themselves, the likelihood of a noble conspiracy and peasant unrest would decrease. Portrait of Emperor Alexander I. Hood. J. Doe. ?
THE PEASANT QUESTION In 1816, projects for the liberation of the peasants were presented to Alexander. Authors: Adjutant Wing P.D. Kiselev, member of the State Council of N.S. Mordvinov, Intendant-General E.F. Kankrin. P.D. Kiselev N.S. Mordvinov All of them proposed to limit the number of serfs and servants in the property of one owner, and transfer the superfluous to “free farmers”. It was also proposed to release the serfs if a factory was created on the estate. What, in your opinion, is the most important common feature projects? ?
THE PEASANT QUESTION In 1818, Alexander I commissioned A.A. Arakcheev. Arakcheev, proposed the redemption of estates to the treasury "at voluntarily set prices with the landlords." For the redemption of estates, 5 million rubles were allocated per year. banknotes. This could be enough to buy out 50 thousand revision souls a year. Approximately this number of peasants were sold annually at auction. According to historians, at this rate, the liberation of the peasants would have taken 200 years. Alexey Andreevich Arakcheev. Hood. J. Doe.
MILITARY SETTLEMENTS Alexander I considered the creation of military settlements as one of the ways to alleviate the plight of the peasants. Some of the state peasants were transferred to the position of peasants and had to combine military service with peasant labor. View of a military settlement in the 19th century. Army regiments were also transferred to a settled position. Gradually, the entire army had to consist of military settlers and provide for itself. But the rest of the peasants would be freed from recruitment. This made the state peasants, in fact, free.
MILITARY SETTLEMENTS A beautiful plan, alas, turned into a nightmare. Petty regulation of all life, drilling, the inability to go to work turned the life of the villagers into hard labor. Contemporaries called the creation of settlements "the main crime of the reign of Alexander." In a military settlement. M.V. Hood Dobuzhinsky. 1817 - the uprising of the villagers of the Kherson and Novgorod provinces. 1818 - the uprising of the villagers in the Ukraine. 1819 - an uprising in the Chuguev and Taganrog settlements.
POLITICS IN THE SPHERE OF RELIGION AND EDUCATION To spread mystical ideas in Russia in 1813, the Bible Society was created. Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod A.N. Golitsyn, a supporter of the unification of all Christian confessions. The society sought to unite Christianity by spreading Holy Scripture. Along with Orthodox bishops, Catholic priests and Protestant pastors took part in the meetings of the society. Prince Alexander Nikolaevich Golitsyn. Hood. K.P. Bryullov.
REFUSAL FROM THE COURSE OF REFORMS Not a single reform project of Alexander I, with the exception of the Polish constitution, was implemented. The Tsar faced clear opposition from the nobility and chose to retreat. In addition, he himself considered the reforms untimely at the time of the growth of revolutions in Europe. Finally, the uprising of the Semenovsky Life Guards regiment forced the tsar to abandon the reforms. Alexander I in the uniform of the Life Guards Sapper Battalion.
REFUSAL OF THE REFORM COURSE Entry in the diary of M.М. Speransky (shortly before that he was returned from exile and brought closer to the court) after an audience with Alexander in August 1821: “A conversation about the lack of capable and business people not only here, but everywhere. Hence the conclusion: do not rush into transformations, but for those who want them, pretend that they are being dealt with. " Explain the position of Alexander I. M.M. Speransky. ?
THE FINAL OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER I Since 1824, Alexander I practically ceased to be engaged in state affairs, traveled for a long time across Russia, more and more often plunged into religious thoughts. According to some historians, he was seriously going to abdicate the throne. In November 1825, the tsar died suddenly in Taganrog. Alexander I visits the cell of the schema-monk of the Aleksanro-Nevsky Lavra in 1825 before his trip to Taganrog. Copper engraving, painted with watercolors. 1845 g.
The need for changes in the sphere of socio-economic relations and the state system became obvious. After the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) became the "tsar of Poland", Alexander I presented his new subjects with the most liberal constitution in Europe. At the opening of the Polish Sejm in 1818, he promised to extend freedom to all territories under his control.
Secret work began on the creation of a Russian constitution. Its author was N.N. Novosiltsev is one of the emperor's "young friends" who supported the future tsar even before accession to the throne. The text of the constitution was written by 1820.
The charter limited the autocratic arbitrariness, but retained the dominant position of the autocracy in all areas of public life. But the first constitution in the history of Russia was not promulgated. Alexander I also abandoned plans to abolish serfdom. The implementation of the reforms was hampered by strong resistance from the bulk of the Russian nobility.
The revolutionary events in Italy and Spain, the unrest of the soldiers of the Semenovsky regiment in Russia put an end to the hesitation of Alexander I in choosing the forms and methods of government, leading him to a policy of absolutism and reaction.
In the second half of his reign, Alexander I ruled with the hands of his assistant, the general. In order to reduce the expenses of the treasury for the maintenance of the army, Arakcheev created settlements that are characterized by military hardships, drill and strict discipline. The peasants were forced to engage in farming for their maintenance. This was the worst form of serfdom.
The Patriotic War of 1812, its results, victorious foreign campaigns created in the army and civil society patriotic enthusiasm. Long stay in Europe familiarized the advanced circles of Russian officers with ideological trends.
Enlightenment as a philosophy and the French Revolution against the background of Russian feudal reality served as the reasons for the emergence of the ideology of the Decembrist movement.
Having returned from Europe after the liberation mission to Russia oppressed by serfdom and Arakcheevism, the progressive-minded officers formed the Union of Salvation. The organization of 30-50 people had as its goal the abolition of serfdom and the introduction of a constitution in Russia. The participants and organizers of this society understood their weakness, the small number of members of the organization and the lack of funds to implement their plans.
In 1818 the Union of Salvation was renamed the Union of Prosperity. The struggle for public opinion, anti-serfdom ideas were promoted. According to the charter of the organization, each of its members was obliged to choose one of four areas for their practical activities: participation in the activities of charitable societies; education; justice; public economy.
In 1820, Alexander I began to pursue a reactionary policy, and the open propaganda of the ideas of the Union of Welfare, like its very existence, became dangerous. In January 1821 the society was disbanded.
Instead of the "Union of Welfare" in 1821-1822. two secret alliances were formed, which were of a revolutionary character.
The Northern Society was headed by the Muravyov brothers, Prince S.P. Trubetskoy, N.I. Turgenev, Prince E.P. Obolensky, poet K.F. Ryleev.
"Southern Society" was formed in Ukraine in the city of Tulchin. It was headed by Colonel P.I. Pestel. An energetic and ambitious man, he preached extreme revolutionary tactics based on terror, up to the destruction of the entire imperial family. Active members southern society were General S.G. Volkonsky, A.P. Yushnevsky, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.A. Bestuzhev.
The "Society of United Slavs" aimed to create a federal republic of all Slavic peoples.
The period of the reign of Alexander I, which came after the war of 1812
and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of dull reaction. It was opposed to the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in1815-1825 in the internal policy of the autocracy, conservative, protective principles are sharply strengthened. A tough police regime is being established in Russia, associated with the name of A.A. Arakcheev, who played an important role in the government. However, Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only the executor of the will of the monarch.
Alexander I did not immediately abandon the liberal undertakings characteristic of the first half of his reign. In November 1815 the emperor approved the constitution for the part of Poland (Kingdom of Poland) annexed to Russia, according to the decisions of the Vienna Congress. The Kingdom of Poland received a fairly broad autonomy. The power of the Russian monarch in Poland was limited to a certain extent to a local representative body with legislative functions - the Seimas. The Seimas consisted of two chambers - the Senate and the Ambassadorial Chamber.
Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, higher clergy, large landowners. The ambassadorial chamber consisted of 128 deputies, of which 77 were elected by nobles (for 6 years) at the gentry seimiks, and 51 at the commune (volost) meetings. All nobles who reached the age of 21 and owned real estate, as well as other owners of real estate, manufacturers, workshop owners, professors, teachers, etc., received the right to vote. The peasants were not allowed to take part in the elections. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was rather progressive. So, if in France in 1815 80 thousand people received voting rights, then in Poland, with a population several times smaller than the population of France, 100 thousand people had these rights.
Alexander I considered the granting of the Constitution to the Kingdom of Poland as the first step towards the introduction of a representative form of government in the Russian Empire. A corresponding hint was made by him in March 1818 in a speech delivered at the opening of the Polish Seim. On the instructions of Alexander I, one of the former members of the Secret Committee (NN Novosiltsev) began work on a draft constitution for Russia. The document prepared by him (State Charter of the Russian Empire) introduced the federal principle of state structure; legislative power was divided between the emperor and a bicameral parliament - the Sejm, which consisted (as in Poland) of the Senate
and Ambassadorial Chamber. The charter granted the citizens of the Russian Empire freedom of speech, religion, press,
guaranteed the integrity of the person. Nothing was said about serfdom in this document.
In 1818-1819. Alexander I made attempts to solve the peasant question as well. The Tsar instructed several dignitaries to prepare the corresponding projects at once, and among them - Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by buying out landlord peasants with their allotment to the treasury. For this purpose, it was supposed to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special interest-bearing Treasury notes. Arakcheev's proposals were approved by the emperor.
Nevertheless, plans for political reform and the abolition of serfdom remained unfulfilled. In 1816-1819. only the Baltic peasants received personal freedom. At the same time, the landowners retained all the land in full ownership. For the lease of landlord's land, the peasants were still required to perform corvee dues. Numerous constraints (for example, restricting the right to change their place of residence) significantly curtailed the personal freedom of peasants. The landowner could subject "free" farm laborers to corporal punishment. Thus, numerous remnants of the former feudal relations remained in the Baltics.
By 1821 - 1822 the refusal of Alexander I from any transformations became an accomplished fact. The advocates of change constituted an insignificant minority in the ruling circles. The tsar himself, convinced of the impossibility of carrying out any serious reforms under these conditions, in his views evolved more and more to the right. It was a painful process that ended for Alexander I in a severe mental crisis. Having abandoned reforms, the king took a course to strengthen the foundations of the existing system. The internal political course of the autocracy from 1822-1823 characterized by a transition to overt reaction. However, since 1815 the practice government controlled in many essential respects it contrasted sharply with the contemplated and partially implemented liberal endeavors of the monarch. An increasingly tangible factor in Russian reality was the onset of reaction along all lines.
A harsh and senseless drill was implanted in the army. The most visible embodiment of the police regime that was taking hold in the country was military settlements. For the first time in the reign of Alexander I, they were organized back in 1810-1812. in the Mogilev province, but became widespread since 1816. By the end of the reign of Alexander I, about 375 thousand state peasants were transferred to the position of military settlers, which made up about a third of the Russian army, which, obviously, in the future was supposed to be made "settled". Military settlements were organized in St. Petersburg, Novgorod, Mogilev, Kherson, Yekaterinoslav and other provinces.
By creating military settlements, the government hoped to solve several problems at once. First of all, this made it possible to reduce the costs of maintaining the army, which was extremely important in case of financial breakdown in last years reign of Alexander I. Peasants who were transferred to the category of military settlers combined agricultural work with military service.
Thus, the armed forces were transferred to "self-sufficiency". On the other hand, the "settlement" of the army was supposed to ensure its manning in peacetime due to natural growth in military settlements. Thus, in the future, it was possible to eliminate recruitment - one of the most burdensome peasant duties. In the person of the military settlers, a special caste was created, isolated from the bulk of the peasantry, and therefore, as it seemed to the ruling circles, capable of being a reliable support of the existing order. Finally, the transfer of state peasants to the category of military settlers strengthened the administrative supervision of the state village.
The settled troops formed a separate corps of military settlements, commanded by Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was a real hard labor. They had no right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. The military settlers experienced double hardships - soldier's and peasant's life. Their children from the age of 12 were taken away from their parents and transferred to the category of cantonists (soldier's children), and from the age of 18 they were considered to be in valid military service... The whole life of the military settlers was subject to a tough barrack order and was strictly regulated. In the settlements arbitrariness of the authorities reigned, there was a system of inhuman punishments.
The military settlements did not live up to the hopes that the ruling circles pinned on them. However, Alexander I, convinced of the expediency of "settling" the army, with perseverance worthy of better use, defended the course taken, once declaring that military settlements "will be at all costs, even if the road from St. Petersburg to Chudov had to be laid with corpses. ".
The onset of reaction also manifested itself in the government's education policy. In 1817 the Ministry of Public Education was transformed into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. It concentrated the management of both church affairs and issues public education... The influence of religion on the cultural life of the country has increased. An attack on universities began immediately. In 1819, Kazan University, recognized as a hotbed of free-thinking, underwent a real defeat. 11 professors were fired for being unreliable. The teaching of all subjects was rebuilt in the spirit of the Christian doctrine, understood very primitively, which could in no way contribute to the development of religious feeling. Students' behavior was placed under petty and harsh administrative tutelage.
In 1821, an attack on St. Petersburg University began. Prominent scientists - M.A. Balugiansky, K.I. Arseniev, K.F. Herman and others - were expelled from there on charges of promoting ideas French revolution... The censorship was significantly tightened, which did not even let the reviews of the performance of the actors of the imperial theaters into print, since the actors were in the state service and their criticism could be regarded as criticism of the government. Active activity launched various circles of a religious, mystical nature.
The Bible Society, founded in 1812, stood out especially in this respect. It sought to unite representatives of various Christian denominations to combat international ideas of progress and revolution, opposing them with cosmopolitan religious principles. However, the tendency towards the well-known equation of Orthodoxy with other confessions, manifested in the activities of both the Bible Society and the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, aroused the discontent of the Orthodox clergy, who did not want to compromise their privileged status. As a result, the Bible Society found itself in disgrace, and in 1824 the previous order of managing the affairs of the Orthodox Church and public education was restored, which again passed, respectively, to the competence of two independent authorities - the Synod and the Ministry of Public Education.
Conservative principles were embodied in the practical measures taken by the autocracy in relation to the peasantry. So, until 1815, the law formally remained in force, according to which only the peasants, who were registered with the landowners in the first two revisions, could not “seek freedom”. Now all other categories of the landlord peasantry have also lost this right.
Increased reaction since the early 1820s. clearly manifested itself again in measures aimed at strengthening the power of the landlords over the peasants. In 1822 Alexander I approved the decision State Council "On the sending of serfs for wrongdoing to Siberia for settlement." This act restored the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, canceled by the tsar in 1809.
The only difference between the former, which existed before 1809, and the new, introduced in 1822, was that earlier landowners could send serfs to hard labor, and now - to settlements. In accordance with the clarification that followed in 1823, the courts were not supposed to deal with the cases of the peasants exiled to the settlement.Thus, even those insignificant concessions to the serfs, which Alexander I made in the initial period of his reign, were significantly curtailed.
It has undergone changes since the early 1820s. and the policy of Alexander I towards Poland. The Diet of the second convocation turned out to be disobedient. By a majority vote, he rejected in 1820 the bills submitted for his approval as violating the constitution.
After that, Alexander I did not summon the Seimas at all during the two terms provided for by the constitution. As a result, it was not the order established in Poland that extended to Russia, but, on the contrary, in Poland, the absolutist principles that dominated in all other parts of the empire were gradually established. In the context of a further offensive reaction, Alexander I died in Taganrog in November