The creation of Herzen's theory of Russian socialism. The main provisions of the theory of "Russian Socialism" A.I. Herzena. Personality capable of fraternity

Set the correct compliance between the names of the organizations and the names of their participants:

1. "Northern Society"

2. "Black convey"

3. Southern Society

4. "Union of the struggle for the liberation of the working class"

A. Pestel P. I.

B. Ryleev K. F.

V. Lenin V.I.

G. Plekhanov G. V.

D. Aksakov K. S.

Representatives of the Russian public thought of 1840 - 1850, idealizing the past of Russia and considered that Russia should develop in a distinctive way:

1. Westerners

2. Social Democrats

3. Slavophila

Set the correct sequence of activities of historical persons:

1. Gorchakov

2. Kutuzov

3. Nakhimov

5. Belinsky

Dates 1801, 1825, 1855, 1881, 1894 are related to:

1. Sections of Poland.

2. The beginning of the reign of Russian emperors

3. Anti-Manzu coalitions with Russia

4. Population censuses, mainly applied

Indicate the wrong position in the list of reasons that prompted the emperor Alexander II to hold reforms of 1860 - 1870:

1. Growth of peasant performances

2. Economic disadvantage of serfdom

3. Deploying a liberal anti-refrete movement

4. Pressure from leading European powers

The peasant reform of 1861 included:

1) cancellation of pillow

2) Cancel Circular Lag

3) the legal legal capacity of the peasants

4) cancellation of landlord

1. An interest-free state loan for the redemption of the peasant land

2. Cancellation of the estate privileges of the nobility

3. Saving community

4. Liquidation of landowners

The peasant reform of 1861 includes concepts

1. Temporable peasants

2. Redempted payments

3. Authorized gramot

4. World mediators

The reform of 1861 freed the peasants from the serf addiction. The peasantry of the herd is personally free and:

1) ended the earth without redemption while maintaining landlord property to land

2) ended the earth with redemption while maintaining landlord property to land

3) ended the earth with redemption without preserving landlord to land

4) Another answer option (your option) ____________________________________

The land was provided to the peasants on the following conditions:

1. For redemption with the assistance of the government

2. Fully due to the state treasury

3. Free

4. In the sizes that have developed in the pre-reform period, taking into account the higher and lower standards of the land in the legislative acts of the Earth in this location

Read in the same book: historical features of Russia | Type of fleet, which in existing international practice wears | Will in Russia, writing before the adoption of Christianity: .... | The collapse of Kievan Rus to the semi-independent principality was called ... .. | The communional code of laws adopted in 1497 .... | In which year, Yaroslavl becomes actually the capital of the Russian state and at this time there is a militia of K. Minina and D. Pozharsky? | What basic ideological directions existed in revolutionary nationality in the 50s - 70s. Hih century? | State Duma - this | The main direction of the agrarian reform of P. A. Stolypin at the beginning of the twentieth century | The surname of the artist - avant-gardeist, the author is famous for "black square" .... | mybiblioteka.su - 2015-2018. (0.005 sec.)

At the turn of the 40s and 50s of the XIX century. The theory of "Russian Socialism" is formed, the founder of which was A. I. Herzen. He outlined their own ideas in the works written in 1849-1853: "Russian People and Socialism", "Old World and Russia", "Russia", "On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia" and in others.

The border of the 40-50s was a turning point in the public glances of Herzen. The defeat of revolutions 1848-1849. in western. Europe made a deep impression on Herzen, he gave rise to his disbelief into European socialism, disappointing in it. Herzen painfully looking for a way out of ideological deadlock. Comparing the fate of Russia and the West, he concluded that in the future, socialism should be established in Russia, and its main "cell" will be the peasant march. Peasant community land tenure, the peasant idea of \u200b\u200bthe right to land and worldly self-government will be, in Herzen, the basis of building a socialist society. So arose "Russian" Socialism of Herzen.

"Russian Socialism" proceeded from the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "original" path of development of Russia, which, bypassing capitalism, will come through the peasant community to socialism.

The objective conditions for the emergence of the idea of \u200b\u200bRussian socialism in Russia were the weak development of capitalism, the absence of the proletariat and the presence of a rural landing community. There was a meaning and desire of Herzen to avoid the "ulcer of capitalism", which he saw in Western European countries. "Save the community and release the personality, spread the rural and volost self-government to the city, to the state as a whole, while maintaining the national unity, to develop private rights and preserve the indispensability of the Earth - this is the main question of the revolution," Herzen wrote.

These positions of Herzen will subsequently be perceived by populists. Essentially, "Russian Socialism" - only dream of socialism, for the implementation of its presenters would lead to non-socialism in practice, and to the most consistent decision of the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of Russia, and this was the real meaning of "Russian socialism". It was focused on the peasantry as his social base, so he also received the name of the "peasant socialism." His main goals were to liberate peasants with land without any repurchase, elimination of landlord and landlord land ownership, the introduction of peasant community self-government independent of local authorities, democratization of the country. At the same time, "Russian Socialism" fought as if "on two fronts": not only against obsolete feudal-serfdom, but against capitalism, opposing him specifically Russian "socialist" path of development.

A.I. Herzen and the theory of community socialism.

The creation of a domestic variety of socialist theory is associated with the name A.

I. Herzen. For participation in the student circle and singing songs with "vile and malicious" expressions in the address of King A. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev were arrested and sent to the link. In the 30s - 40s, A. I. Herzen engaged in literary activities. His works contained the idea of \u200b\u200bthe struggle for the freedom of personality, protest against violence and arbitrariness. The police followed his work intently followed. I realized that in Russia it is impossible to enjoy the freedom of speech, A. I. Herzen in 1847 left abroad. In London in 1853, he founded the "free Russian printing house", released 8 books of the "Polar Star" collection (on the title of which the miniature from 5 executed Decembrists ( 1857-1867). Subsequent generations of revolutionaries saw a huge merit of A. I. Herzen in creating a free Russian press abroad.

In his youth, A. I. Herzen shared many ideas of Westerners, recognized the unity of the historical development of Russia and Western Europe. However, a close acquaintance with European orders, disappointment in the results of revolutions 1848-1849. convinced him that the historical experience of the West does not fit the Russian people. Therefore, he started looking for a fundamentally new, just social device and created the theory of community socialism. The ideal of social development A. I. Herzen saw in socialism, in which there will be no private property and operation. In his opinion, the Russian peasant is deprived of private plane instincts, accustomed to public ownership of Earth and its periodic redistribution. In the peasant community A.I. Herzen saw the finished cell of the socialist building. He concluded that the Russian peasant is ready for socialism and that in Russia there is no social basis for the development of capitalism. The question of the ways of transition to socialism was decided by A. I. Herzenon contradiction. In some works, he wrote about the possibility of the People's Revolution, in others - condemned the violent method for changing the state system.

In general, the second quarter of the XIX century. There was a time of "outdoor slavery" and "internal liberation". Some were silent, frightened by government repressions. Others - insisted on the preservation of autocracy and serfdom. Third - actively searched for the PUP of the country's update, the improvement of its socio-political system. The main ideas and directions that have developed in the socio-political movement of the first half of the XIX century, with minor changes continued to develop in the second half of the century.

Manifest 19.02.1861g. Cancel of serfdom (KP) in Russia.

Reform backgrounds.

The agrarian-peasant question became the sharpest social. - political problem in Russia by mid-19V. KP remained only in our country. It slowed down economic and social development. The preservation of the CP was due to the peculiarities of the Russian autocracy, which relied exclusively to the nobility, and therefore should take into account his interests.

At the end of 18 - mid-19VV. Many state and public figures understood that the CP disgraces Russia, hesitates her in the discharge of backward states. However, the government's attempts to mitigate the CP, give the landowners a positive example of the control of peasants, turned out to be ineffective due to the resistance of serfs.

By mid-19V. Backgrounds of collapse of the serf system ripe finally. She outlived herself economically. Local farms, based on the work of the fortress peasants, came into decay (it was bothering the government, which was forced to spend huge funds to support landlords). KP prevented the industrial modernization of the country, as it prevented the folding of the free labor market, the accumulation of capital attached to the production, an increase in the purchasing powerfulness of the population and the development of trade.

The need to eliminate the CP was also determined by the fact that the peasants were openly protested against him, organized anti-refrete folk speeches. In the middle of the XIX century. Peasants dissatisfaction with his position was expressed in different forms: a refusal to work on the barbecine and payouts, mass shoots (especially during the Crimean War), arsons of landlord estates, etc. People's movement influenced the position of the government.

The defeat in the Crimean War became an important polynicular prerequisite for the abolition of serfdom, as it pro-demonstrated the backwardness and rottenness of the socio-political SIS-topic of the country.

Thus, the abolition of serfdom was due to inventical, economic, social and moral precepts.

Preparation of reform.

For the first time, the need for the liberation of the peasants, the emperor stated in speech pronounced in 1856 to representatives of the Moscow nobility.

Initially, the projects of the liberation of peasants were developed in the secret committee of Count Orlov, created in 1857. However, the displeasure of the nobility, concerned about rumors about the possibility of fastened law, and the slowness of the secret team of Alexander II to the need to establish a new body aimed at the preparation of reform In the conditions of pains of publicity. He instructed the Governor-General V.I.Nazimov to turn to the Emperor with a request to create commissions for the development of the draft reform.

In February 1858, the Secret Committee was transformed into the Head Committee on the Peasantius. His task was to develop a common government line in the liberation of peasants. The government is allowed to discuss the draft reform projects and prescribed the DVT-RUNAM to show the initiative in solving the peasant question. Looking at the preparation of reforms in the hands of landowners, the government, on the one hand, actually forced them to take up this issue, and with a friend - suggested themselves to ensure maximum satisfaction of their interests.

In March 1859, the main committee in the provincial and county levels established the editorial commissions. They had to collect and summarize all the projects developed by the provincial committees.

The projects generalized by the Commissions by October 1860 were enrolled in the Chief Committee and on February 19, 1861, a manifesto on the cancellation of KP was signed.

Manifesto and "Provisions" concerned three main issues: personal liberation of peasants, putting their land and redeeming transaction.

Personal liberation.

Manifestus provided personal freedom to peasants and civil rights. From now on, the peasant could be moored by movement and real estate, to conclude transactions, you are stupid as a legal entity. He was released from the personal guardianship of the landowner, could be married without his permission to enter the service and in educational institutions, change the place of residence, to move in the estate of the bins and merchants. The government began to create local self-government bodies of liberated peasants.

At the same time, personal freedom of the peasant was limited. In the first queue it concerned the community. Community Property for Earth, Peredelov's redistribution, a patch (especially in the payment of taxes and the fulfillment of state duties) Tor-Mozili bourgeois evolution of the village. The peasants remained the one-sided estate, which was paid to submit, carried the rut-ruticity rut and could be corruptingly.

Pasteners.

"Provisions" regulated the endowment of the peasants of Earth. The peasant community disposed of this land together. All putors, besides Pashnya. She was divided either by "men and consumers" or by the equalization principle.

To observe the equation, the incidents changed every few years, as they consisted of different land of the earth. In each of them, the highest and the bottom sizes of the peasant field was put on. Within these limits, the voluntary transaction of the peasant community with the landowner was concluded. Their relationship was finally fixed by tired letters.

When solving a land question, peasant putors were crucified. If the peasant reform used the native of scrap, exceeding the highest rate in each band, then this "sleeved" was alienated in favor of the landowner. In the chernozem strip, cut slices from 26 to 40% of the Earth, in the non-black-earth - 10%. In general, in the country, the peasants received 20% of the Earth less than they were processed to reform. So the segments selected by the landowners in Cre-Sintyan were formed. Traditionally, considering this land of his own, the peasants fought for her return until 1917.

When the arable land, the landowners sought to ensure that their land was inclined into peasant nodes. So there was a minor, who forced the peasant to rent the land in a metro station, paying its cost or money, or a field of work.

Redemption.

Getting the land, the peasants were obliged to pay its cost. The basis of the redemption was the size of the annual exchange. The peasants were supposed to pay such an amount by placing the bank by 6% per annum, nobleman, in the form of these%, could receive money equal to the annual lifting.

The peasants had no money necessary to buy land. In order for the landowners to receive redemptions at the same time, the state provided the peasants a loan in the amount of 75% of the cost of incidents, the remaining 25% of the peasant community paid the landowner herself. For 49 years, the peasants should have returned a loan to the state in the form of redemption payments with a calculation of 6% per annum.

By 1906, the peasants have made the abolition of redemption payments, they have already paid about 2 billion rubles to the state, i.e. almost 4 times the real market value of the Earth in 1861

The deposit of the peasants was stretched for 20 years. All this time, the peasants were temporary-shaped: they had to pay for the lifts and perform some of the concerns until they completely repented their one. Only in 1881 a law was published on the elimination of the time-exchange position of the peasants.

Love for good the Sons of the Noble
And Herzen slept, without knowing about evil ...
But the Decembrists woke Herzen.
He missed. From here everything went.

And, fucking from their dear act,
He raised the rural sober scary for the whole world.
The woken by chance Chernyshevsky,
Not knowing himself what he did.

And that from sleep, having the nerves of weak,
Became to call Russia to call, -
What disturbed the strong sleep of Zhelyabov,
And the pen was not given to sleep.

And I wanted to immediately fight them with someone
To go to the people and not afraid of dy.
So the conspiracy was born in Russia:
A big deal is long intense.

He was killed, but the world did not heal again.
Jelly fell, fell asleep with a dream.
But before this prompted Plekhanov,
So that he went completely different way.

All could do with the time of time.
In order could make the Russian life ...
What bitch woke Lenin?
Who bothered that the child sleeps?

There is no exact answer to the answer.
Which year we are looking for nothing ...
Three components - three sources
Do not clarify nothing here.

He began to look for those guilty - can you? -
And being asked terribly angry,
He immediately arranged a revolution,
So that none of the kara left.

And with the song went to Calvary under the banners
Fathers behind him, - how to live in a sweet ...
Let us be afraid of the muffins,
We are children of those who have not seen their own.

We want to sleep ... and not going anywhere
From thirst for sleep and thirst for everyone to judge ...
Ah, Decembrists! .. Do not wake the Herzen! ..
It is impossible to wake anyone in Russia.

"Russian Socialism" proceeded from the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "original" path of development of Russia, which, bypassing capitalism, will come through the peasant community to socialism. The objective conditions for the emergence of the idea of \u200b\u200bRussian socialism in Russia were the weak development of capitalism, the absence of the proletariat and the presence of a rural landing community. There was a meaning and desire of Herzen to avoid the "ulcer of capitalism", which he saw in Western European countries. "Save the community and release the personality, spread the rural and volost self-government to the city, to the state as a whole, while maintaining the national unity, to develop private rights and preserve the indispensability of the Earth - this is the main question of the revolution," Herzen wrote.

Ignatovsky Vladimir Sergeevich. Biography. Contribution to science
Until 12-year-olds, Vladimir Sergeevich Ignatovsky lived in Dresden (Germany), where he graduated from school and entered the gymnasium. Ignatov graduated from St. Petersburg University in 1906. In 1906-1908, he continued his studies at the University of Gi ...

Achievements in the field of economic and production activities
The basis of Dretenindian production at all times was the work of a separate craftsman of the handicraft, which was mainly helped by his family members. However, large manufactories were also known, served mainly by hired labor. Form ...

System of local government and court in the province and subsession on reform 1775
Fully changed the judicial system. It was built on the estate principle: for each class - his court. The nobles judged the Upper Zemsky court in the provincial cities and the county court - in county cities. Gorozov - respectively, the province ...

Introduction 2.
Chapter I. The main provisions of the theory of "Russian Socialism" A.I.Getzen 9
Chapter II. The impact of the theory of "Russian socialism" Herzen on the views of populists 25
Chapter III. Socialist glances P.N. Tkacheva, P.L. Lavrova, MA Bakunina 33.
Conclusion 51.
Bibliography 52.

Introduction In the late 40s - early 50s of the XIX century. There is a revolutionary-democratic direction of Russian public thought, whose representatives are V.G. Belinsky, A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev. By the 40-50s, the beginning of the development of a revolutionary-democratic theory also refers, which was based on the latest philosophical and political (mainly socialist) teachings that spread in Western Europe. In general, the whole second quarter of the XIX century. In Russia, there was a time of enthusiastic philosophy, especially classical German, which representatives of various directions of Russian social thought were studied from the extreme "right" to the extreme "left". Proceedings of the famous German philosophers of Kant, Schelling, Hegel, Feyerbach were also well known in Russia, as in their homeland in Germany. Each of the Russian thinkers was looking for a theoretical substantiation of their socio-political positions in their works. So, the Gegel system, his history philosophy and the dialectical method of knowledge especially attracted the attention of Slavophiles. For Belinsky and Herzen, a revolutionary understanding of Hegel's dialectics was of particular importance. Herzen called her "algebra revolution." She served him by the rationale for the patterns and the inevitability of the revolutionary breakdown of the feudal-absolutist system.

In the same period, the original theory of "Russian Socialism" is developing. The founder was A.I. Herzen, who outlined its main ideas in the works written by him in 1849-1853: "Russian people and socialism", "Old World and Russia", "On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia" and others. He proceeded from the idea of \u200b\u200b"original "Ways to develop Russia, which, bypassing capitalism, will come through the peasant community to socialism.

"Russian Socialism" Herzen became the starting point of the ideology of nationality, and the theme of the Socialism of Herzen attracts the attention of historians and publicists is the second century.

Since the idea of \u200b\u200bbuilding peace without violence, society of equal rights and social guarantees is alive and popular in the world is still the relevance of appeal to this problem is obvious.

Objective: Based on the sources studied, presented by the works of A.I. Herzen and ideologues of revolutionary nationality to logically build the main provisions, to understand the essence of the theory of Russian socialism and its influence on the formation and development of the socialist views of the ideologues of revolutionary nationality.

Research methods: Analytical, comparative historical, specifically historical.

Chronological framework: 50s - 90s of the XIX century. The choice of chronological framework is due to the formation and development of the ideas of the "Russian socialism" of Herzen, as well as the formation and implementation of socialist ideas of population.

The purpose of the work requires solving the following tasks:

Using a relatively historical method to streamline a variety of information in domestic historiography on Russian Socialism of Herzen and the socialism of the leading ideologues of nationality.

Show the main aspects of the theory of "Russian Socialism" Herzen. 50s-60s.

To find out the degree of influence of the theory of "Russian Socialism" on the formation of the socialist views of populists.

Research, directly or indirectly relating to the socialist views and theories of "Russian socialism" Herzen in the domestic historiography of the XX century. Presented by the works of A.I. Volodina, Z.V. Sirnovova, V.P. Volgin, N.M. Pirumova, V.A. Dyakova, V.S. Semenova, N.Ya. Eidelman and others.

Work A.I. Volodina "The beginning of a socialist thought in Russia" (1966) is devoted to the formation of the socialist ideas of Herzen. He believed that at the turn of 20 - 30 gg. Herzen was "Flame Liberal, who was resolved at Herzen in Socialism. Volodin writes about the important meaning, which attached to Herzen's rebellion of the Decembrists, that the philosophy of history occupied him only as a means of justifying the social ideal.

The emergence of the theory of Herzen is taken to dating 1849 due to the collapse of his hopes for the revolutionary potency of the West. An important place is also occupied by the work of A.I. Volodina "In search of a revolutionary theory" (1962). It briefly highlights all aspects of the Herzen Russian socialism, the influence of Decembrists, Saint-Simon and Fourier Socialists, Hegel philosophy, revolution 1848 - 49. In France on the worldview of Herzen. The "Russian Socialism" is attached to the "Russian Socialism", namely, the views of Herzen on the community, nobility, revolution, socialism.

It should be noted a number of biographical works. Special place is occupied by the work of A.I. Volodina "Herzen" (1970), V.A. Prokofiev "Herzen" (1987), N.M. Pierum "A. Herzen - life and activity "(1962). They are devoted to the years of life and activities of Herzen, as well as the development of its socialist views and personal life.

Deserve the work of N.M. Pierum "A. I. Herzen - revolutionary, thinker, man "(1989). Much attention in his work Pierumov pays the biographies of the writer, talks about his wife, children, about the tragedy experienced by him. The focus has been focused on the passage period of Herzen's life, its activities in a free typography, in the "bell". Here the author represents the Socialist glances of Herzen 30 - 40 Gg; talks about the influence of the revolution 1848-49 G.- on the worldview of Herzen; about social philosophy 50 - 60 g.; about his literary activity ..

Interesting work Z.V. Smirnova "Social Philosophy of Herzen" (1973). Her work is devoted to the analysis of the works of Herzen, his views of 30 - 60. She compared Herzen and Slavophilov, believing that Herzen was wrong, considering the views of Slavophiles on the community with close and related "Russian socialism". The formation and development of the theory of "Russian Socialism" lasted 20 years. This is a complex and multifaceted process. Smirnova realized that in "... The pre-formed period is characterized by an increasing concentration of Herzen on the socio-economic aspect of the theory."

In the collection "Liberation movement in Russia 1825 -1861. (1979) Article V.A. deserves attention Dyakova about the genesis of "Russian Socialism". There are various points of view of historians in this work, the development of the ideas of the utopian Socialism of Herzen. Presents statements V.P. Volgin, A.I. Volodina, Z.V. Smirnova, I.V. Porosha, N.M. Druzhinin.

In the collection of works N.O. Lossky "History of Russian Philosophy (1991) presents his article" A.I. Herzen. The author pays great attention to the influence of Hegel's philosophy on the worldview of Herzen.

The theory of "Russian Socialism" Herzen became the starting point for the socialist views of revolutionary populists. A lot of research is devoted to this. Interesting works GD. Alekseeva, MG Vandalkovskaya, V.F. Zakharina, B.S. Intenberg, L.M. Lyashenko, M.I. Haifez and others. The theoretical views of revolutionary populists are presented in the works and talks about revolutionary motion, circles.

In the work of V.F. Antonova "Revolutionary Publication" (1965) The author talks about the development of the fundamentals of the theory and the beginning of the struggle of revolutionary population, about the influence of Herzen, about the search for ways and means of struggle in the 60s, about the teachings of P. Lavrova, M. Bakunina, P. Kachev , Oversized with the theory of Herzen and special in the theories of populists.

Interest represent works by S.M. Levin "Essays on the history of Russian public thought" (1974), A.F. Kostina "From Utopia to Science: From the history of revolutionary thought in Russia" (1984), where the socialist views of populists are presented.

From the point of view of the philosophical and theoretical justification of utopian socialism, the works of Schitrolov "Philosophy and Sociology" (1983), Fedorkina "Utopic Socialism of the ideologues of revolutionary nationality" (1984), A.A. Galaktionova and P. Nikandrov "ideologists of Russian nationality" (1965). In them - the analysis of the ideas of Herzen on the philosophical and socialist views of populists, the role of nationality in the history of revolutionary thought, the socialist ideal in the ideology of revolutionary population, the foundations of the subjective sociology of the ideologues of revolutionary population.

A number of works should be noted that are devoted to every ideologist of nationality, his philosophy and sociology. It works N.M. Pierum "Social Doctrine M. Bakunina" (1990), V. Bogatova "Philosophy of P. Lavrov" (1972), A. Volodina, B. Intensberg "P. Lavrov" (1981), A. Demidenko " . Lavrov "(1969) and kd.ј43,24; 34,341

Source base research is represented by the works of A.I. Herzena, P. Lavrov, M. Bakunina, P. Kachev.

At the beginning of the 40s .xix. The active process of formation of materialistic philosophical hezen occurs. In the philosophical works of this period, such as "Dieletanism in Science" and "Letters to Study Nature", a critical approach to Gegelian philosophy is felt, the independent movement of Herzen thought, associated with his revolutionary aspirations Herzen A. I. Dieletantism in science: Letters to study nature . 1842-1846. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T. 3. - M., 1954.

The idea of \u200b\u200bthe Union of Philosophy and Nature was based on the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Union of Philosophy and Nature. For such a union, it is necessary, by conviction of Herzen, a correct solution to the issue of the attitude of thinking to the Being and the question of the method of scientific thinking.

The works of "Letters from France and Italy" and "from that shore" are devoted to the views of Herzen on the revolution of 1848-49. In France and Italy there. - T. 5.

In the work "On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia", the most complex, turning points of the history of Russia from the period of Kievan Rus, Petrovsky transformations to the uprising of the Decembrists and ideological disputes of Westerners and Slavophiles in the 40s were highlighted. XIX there. - T. 7.

"Poison and Duma" - the greatest work of Herzen, written in the genre of memoirs. At the origins of the plan lies the tragedy of love, the collapse of the personal happiness of the writer. The book was wrote for 6 years. The first part is devoted to children's years and period of student pore. The second part is the years in prison and links. Part Three tells about Herzen's wife - Natalia Alexandrovna and about life in Vladimir. The fourth part is devoted to the spiritual matureness of Herzen. In the fifth part, he tells about the beginning of his acquaintance with the countries of Western Europe. Part of the sixth covers the period of life of Herzen in England from 1852 to 1864. The content of the seventh part covers the history of the free Russian printing house and the "bell", the relationship of their creators with Russian political emigration in the 50s - 60s. The eighth part captured the last stage of the ideological and creative evolution of Herzen.

The works of Herzen of the late 60s are devoted to the evolution of views on Russian Socialism.

For the first time, the ideas of the "Russian Socialism" were set forth Herzen in the article "Russia" (August 1849). The term "Russian Socialism" he introduces in the article "order triumphs!" In the article "Russia" he writes that it is Russia that is closer to the Socialist Revolution; Talks about the Russian community. This article is the first sketch of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" utopian socialism in Russia: Reader. - M., 1985. - P. 151. The problem of serfdom is devoted to the three articles of Herzen under the name "Russian Freight" (December 1852). Here, he first formulated the idea of \u200b\u200bthe exclusiveness of the rural community in Russia. The Article "Established Property" of the Article from the "Bell" and the works of 1862 - 63.// Herzen AI are devoted to the peasant community. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T. 18.

Sources for studying the ideology of populists are the works of the theorists and ideologues of the nationality of Lavrov P.L. Selected writings in 4 volumes. - T.4, - M., 1935; Lavrov P.L. Philosophy and sociology. Selected works in 2 volumes. - M., 1965. - T. 1-2; Tkachev P.N. Cop. in 2 volumes. - M., 1975. - T. 2; Tkachev P.N. Selected writings on social and political topics in 6 volumes. - M., 1932-1937. - T.2; Bakunin MA Selected philosophical essays and letters. - M., 1987. In these works, the influence of Herzen is noticeable. Each of the ideologues of the nationality in his own way understood socialism.

Of particular interest are "historical letters" P. Lavrov (1870), articles forward! - Our program "(1873)," Working Socialism "(1875)," The State Element in the Future Society "(1876) and other Lavrov nominates the theory of" worker socialism ". Presents great interest and articles of P. Tkachev: "Nabat" (1875), "Revolution and principle of nationality" (1878). One of the central places in the ideology of population is occupied by M. Bakunin's work. Already well-known at that time were his work "Our Program" (1868), "statehood and anarchy (addition" A ")" (1873). In addition to the views of Bakunin to the Russian community and socialism in the works, the ideas of anarchism, which made it famous for life are traced.

The novelty of this work in the absence of new sources is relative. It consists only in an integrated approach when solving this problem.

Chapter I. The main provisions of the theory of "Russian Socialism" A.I.Getzen In the 30s of the XIX century. In Russia, the ideas of utopian socialism begin to develop. Under utopian socialism is understood as the combination of those exercises that expressed the idea of \u200b\u200bthe desirability and the possibility of establishing such a social system where the human exploitation of man and other forms of socialist inequality.

Utopic socialism was distinguished from other utopians by the fact that the idea of \u200b\u200bgeneral, genuine equality was developed in it. It was assumed to build this ideal society based on or taking into account the achievements of material and spiritual culture, which carried bourgeois civilization with him. A new interpretation of a public ideal: coincidence, a combination of personal and public interests. Socialist idea took special forms in Russia, developing the general principles of socialism to the "adapt" by Russian thinkers to "adapt" to the conditions of their fatherland. Contribability appeared primarily in the fact that the main form of utopian socialism in Russia was naturally legitimately the socialism of the peasant ("Russian", community, people, who spent the ideological design of the interests of the revolutionary and democratic, but still bourgeois development.

Alexander Ivanovich Herzen (1812-1870) became the founder of Russian socialism (1812-1870). His spiritual awakening Herzen tied up with the uprising of the Decembrists. Opened fourteen-year-old boy "New World" was not yet clearly conscious. But this uprising awakened in the soul of Herzen the first, although even vague, revolutionary aspirations, the first thoughts on the struggle against injustice, violence, arbitrariness.

"The consciousness of the unreasonableness and cruelty of the autocratic political regime developed in Herzen insurmountable hatred to any slavery and arbitrariness" Lossky N.O. History of Russian philosophy. - M., 1991. - P. 79-80.

Herzen's philosophy of history caused great interest. In the early 40s He comes to the conclusion that there is no philosophy as science, there can not be a solid, consistent philosophy of history. Such an opinion was associated with the idea of \u200b\u200bphilosophy, which has developed as a result of acquaintance with Hegel's philosophy. He was not interested in the theoretical basis of philosophy, she was interested in his insight, because it could be applied in practice. Herzen found in the hegel philosophy the theoretical foundation of his hostility with existing; He revealed the same thesis on the reason for the reason for reality: if the existing public order is justified by reason, the struggle against it is justified - this is a continuous struggle of the old and new. As a result of the study of the philosophy of Hegel, Herzen came to the conclusion that: the existing Russian reality is unreasonable, so the struggle against it is justified by the mind. Understanding modernity as the struggle of the mind embodied in science, against the unreasonable reality, Herzen, respectively, builds a whole concept of world history, which has been reflected in both the work of "dilettantism in science" and in the "letters to study nature." He saw in Hegel's philosophy the highest achievement of the mind of history, understood as the spirit of mankind. This embodied in science is Herzen and opposed the unreasonable, immoral reality.

In Hegel's philosophy, he found the rationale for the legitimacy and the need to combat the old and final victory of the new. In the work of Herzen, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe intelligence of history was connected with socialist ideals, brought a German philosophy with French utopian socialism. The connection of socialism with philosophy is the idea of \u200b\u200bharmonious wholeness of man in the work of Herzen. The idea of \u200b\u200bunity and being was considered by Herzena also in terms of socio-historical, as the idea of \u200b\u200buniting science and the people, which will be banned by socialism. Herzen wrote that when the people would understand Science, he would come to the creative creation of socialism.

The problem of Unity of Being and Thinking is still in one plan - as a revolutionary practice, as a conscious act, as the introduction, the incarnation of science into life. In mastering the science of the masses, he saw a necessary condition for the establishment of socialism. Since the germ of the new world is imprisoned in science, it is only worth introducing it into the masses and the case of socialism will be ensured. Socialism Herzen was utopian. Arguing in this way, he even put in general the question of the possibility of the first to join the path of indigenous social transformation: "... Maybe we, few living in the past, we will be representatives of the actual unity of science and life, words and affairs.

Essentially, this hope did not relieve any actual data, there were no serious references to the special qualities of the Russian national nature.

The use of Herzen abstract philosophical ideas in order to substantiate the revolution and socialism means that philosophy ceases to be here in itself philosophy. It becomes a social doctrine, the theory of the revolutionary struggle for socialism. The movement of thought was in the fact that the pattern of struggle in society recognized and the need for rational education of mass science. Having learned the dialectic of Hegel, he realized that she was the "algebra of revolution," but he went further to historical materialism.

In the late 40s, all his thoughts about the future of the socialist development of Herzen associated with Western Europe. Revolution 1848-49 g. was an essential event in Herzen's life. He perceived the revolution as the beginning of a socialist coup. But what happened in the eyes of Herzen in Paris in 1848, did not coincide at all with his idea of \u200b\u200ba socialist coup. The mass of the people was not ready for the immediate organization of a truly new republic. The result was defeated. Herzen defeated doubts about the possibility of the emergence of socialism, but he still hoped that the people would soon rise again to the struggle and permanently end with the old civilization. But Herzen's hopes were not justified. Having perceived the rebellion of the Paris proletariat in June 1848 as the beginning of the "dying" of Europe and moved the establishment of socialism in Western European countries to an indefinitely distinguished future, Herzen did not stop searching for opportunities to achieve the great ideal.

The state is most capable of social transformation, Herzen found in his homeland. "Faith in Russia saved me on the edge of moral death ..." - said Herzen letters from France and Italy. 1847-52 // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T.5. - P. 10. Russians are much behind Europe, historical events swept over these people. But in this it and happiness. "The Russian people retained their mighty soul, their great national character" on the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia. Works 1851-52. // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce - T.5. - p.323. He rushed his eyes to the Russian community. "The community saved the Russian people from the Mongolian barbarism and from the imperial civilization, from the stewed European landowners and from the German bureaucracy. Community organization, although very shocked, resulted against the intervention of power; She lived safely to the development of socialism in Europe "Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T. 7. - p.323. In the patriarchal community, Herzen and saw a means of radical social transformation, a real element of socialism. Herzen developed the theory of "community", "peasant", "Russian" socialism as a solid complete doctrine. He believed that the combination of Western European socialist ideas with the Russian community world will ensure the victory of socialism and will update Western European civilization.

For the first time, the ideas of "Russian Socialism" were set forth the Hervela, written in the form of a letter to Gerveuge. The term "Russian Socialism" arose much later: Herzen introduced him only in 1866 in the article "order triumphs!". "We call Russian socialism that socialism that comes from the Earth and the peasant life, from the actual one and the existing redistribution of fields, from community ownership and general management, and goes together with the working artel, towards the economic justice, to which socialism to strive at all and which Confirms the science of the article from the "Bell" and the works of 1863-1864. // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce - T. 19.-C.193.

Herzen did not leave the story about how exactly the turnover turned to his thoughts to the new appearance, as the main principles of the theory of "Russian Socialism" developed and developed. The general response to this question is known: "Russian Socialism" arose as a result of Herzen's revolution, due to the revolution of 1848, due to disappointment, the possibility of a close victory of socialism in Western Europe and the desire to find other possible ways to implement a socialist ideal.

In the development of ideas, you can allocate two main stages: the 50s and 60s. Rubeze between them is 1861. This division incompletely reflects the development of "Russian socialism". Inside each period there were certain milestones, allowing to trace this development in more detail.

The pre-formed period (1849-1960) in the development of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" begins in 1849. Because it is precisely this year that the first more or less systematized presentation in Article "Russia" belongs. Interestingly fifth letter from the "Letters from France and Italy" cycle (Dec. 1847). Herzen regrettable about the lack of a "village commune" of such Russian in Europe, and exclaims: "Long live, gentlemen, the Russian village is the future of His great" Letters from France and Italy. 1847-1852 // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce - T. 5. - p.74.

In the work "Russia", Russia is in modern Europe, the young people, full of strength, the people who have no past, but everything is ahead. There is no reason to believe that in its further development Russia must pass through all those phases through which the peoples of Western Europe passed. These peoples "revised" to certain social ideals. Russia is closer to these ideals than Western Europe: "... What is for the West only with the hope, to which efforts are directed, is the real fact for us from which we start" from that shore. Articles // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce - T.6. - P. 204. Such a "valid fact" corresponding to the ideal of Western Europe is the Russian rural community. This community needs, however, in a certain development and change, since in modern form it does not represent a satisfactory solution to the problem of personality and society: the personality in it is suppressed, is absorbed by society. Saving throughout its history, the land community, the Russian people "is closer to the socialist revolution, than to the political revolution" there. - p.220. What is the Socialist found Herzen in the community? First, democratism, or "communism" (i.e. collectivity) in managing the life of rural artel. The peasants on their gatherings, "on the world", solve the common affairs of the village, choose local judges, an older who cannot come against the will of the "World". This general management is due to the fact that the second moment characterizes the community as a nucleation of socialism - that people enjoy the earth together. They treat it together, together use meadows, pastures, forests. This community land use was renowned for Herzen as an embryo conscious collective property. The element of Socialism Herzen also saw in the peasant right to earth, i.e. In the right of each peasant to put on the Earth, which the community should provide him for use. He cannot and does not need to pass her inheritance. His son, barely reaches the majority, acquires the right, even during the life of his father, to demand land from the community. The peasant, leaving his community for a while, does not lose their rights to Earth, it can only take it in the case of expulsion - it solves a worldly gathering. If the peasant on his own request comes out of the community, he loses right to put on. He is allowed to take with him your movable property. This right to Earth seemed to Herzen with a sufficient condition for the vital activity of the community. It excluded, in his opinion, the emergence of landless proletariat.

The collectivism of the community and the right to Earth and amounted to Herzen, those real embryos, from which, subject to the abolition of serfdom and eliminate autocratic despotism, a socialist society can develop. Herzen believed, however, that the community itself does not represent any socialism. As a result of his patriarchal character, it is in the present form of development; Community device has fallen a folk personality over the centuries, in the community she is adjusted, its horizons are limited to the life of the family and the village. In order to develop the community as a germ of socialism, it is necessary to apply Western European science to it, with the help of which only one can eliminate negative, the patriarchals of the community.

"The task of the new era, in which we enter, wrote Herzen, - to develop an element on the basis of science of our community self-government to full Freedom of the person, bypassing those intermediate forms, which, if necessary, was going through the unknown paths, the development of the West. Our new life should be so shaking these two inheritance into one fabric, so that the Earth remains under his feet and that the community was a completely free face "Articles from the" Bell "// Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce - T. 14. - p. 183. Thus, the path of Russia to socialism through the host Herzen did not consider as an exception from the global development experience. He considered the soon implementation of socialism in Russia, primarily as the help of the world revolution; After all, it is impossible without the destruction of Russian tsarism, without the liberation of Russia. Europe is never destined to be free "from that shore. Articles // Herzen A.I. Full. cit. - T. 6. - P. 191. But Herzen notices that in Russian life there is something higher than the community, and stronger than power. It is "something" he sees in the "inner", not quite conscious of himself by force, which "regardless of all external events and contrary to him, retained the Russian people and supported his uncomfortable faith in itself." Now the idea of \u200b\u200bthe absence of a firmly established "past" becomes one of the most important principles of "Russian Socialism".

Working out the theory of "Russian Socialism", Herzen thought that he finally managed to actually justify socialism. Nerre in the community The material germs of society of social equality, Herzen believed that he overcame the utopism of the former socialists, which henceforth did not only prove not justice and the rationality of socialism, but also the possibility and reality of his actual implementation. Herzen writes: "... I do not see the reasons why Russia must certainly undermine all the phases of European development, I also see why the civilization of the future should consistently obey the same conditions for the existence as the civilization of the past" there. - P. 205.

The article "Russia" is the first sketch of the ideas of "Russian Socialism", it is the sketch, a runaway essay, designed mainly to draw attention to the problems set in it, awaken interest in Russia and indicate the need for studying it. The activity of Herzen begins with him, aimed at "to acquaint Europe with Rus."

One of the major milestones of this work was marked by a book "On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia. The first chapter "Russia and Europe" Herzen begins with the mention of Article "Russia" and says: "... Our views have not changed since that time" about the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia. Works 1851 - 52. // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T. 6. - P. 148. The main thing in this work of Herzen in terms of the development of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" is that for the first time, and in essence, the only time, so systematized and consistently the author is trying to substantiate his idea by the course of the historical development of Russia. An attempt by the historical substantiation of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" Herzen claims that Russia has "two grounds for living: a socialist element and youth." He tried to prove this thesis on the physician, strength, not crushing the "socialist element" of Russian life - a rural community. Herzen believed that the history of Russia to date only "the history of the embryonic development of the Slavic state", "the path to an unknown future, which begins to break the front" ibid. - p. 153. This thesis took an important place in the theory of "Russian Socialism". But in the inner history of the country, in the development of public forms and political institutions, the strength and possibilities of the Russian people were not revealed with sufficient completeness. This shows the whole course of Russian history. Autocracy and serfdom are the two main factors of Russian life, rebuilt the people from active participation in the public and political life of the country that have risen his strength. The idea of \u200b\u200b"youth" of the Russian people, who tried to prove Herzen here, was in the essence of the form in which the consciousness of the contradiction between the fact of the economic and political backwardness of the country and the potential possibilities of widespread, progressive development was expressed.

Thanks to the rural community, Russia turned out to be more capable of socialist transformation than the West.

Herzen simply states the fact that the community survived during Russian history, and concludes that the existence of the community ensures the country's transition to a new, social community device. Of essential importance for the theory of "Russian Socialism" had two ideas deployed in this book. This, firstly, the statement that the antagonistic socialist structure, characteristic of modern Russia, was not originally characteristic of the country. It is the result of the reassurance of peasants and formed, in essence, due to the legalization of serfdom under Peter I. The fact that Peter I finally broke off the nobility from the people and complained to him the terrible power over the peasants, he settled the deepest antagonism, which was not before, and if He was, then only in a weak degree. Later, in the book "The baptized property" Herzen wrote: "The unity of the life of Russian ruined the Petrovsky coup. Two Russia from the beginning of the eighteenth century became hostile against each other. On the one hand, Russia was a government, imperial, rich in money, armed not only by bayonets, but by all orders and police tricks taken from Germany; On the other hand, Russia "Black people, poor, barking, communal, democratic, unarmed, taken by surprise, defeated, actually, without a combat of the work of 1852-57.// Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce 30 -th volumes. - T. 13. - S. 114. " Such a look at the origin of socialist transformations in Russia, led to an unequal meaningful conclusion. Its consequence was a revolutionary requirement to eliminate the existing "split" of Russia.

From the point of view of the development of the ideas of "Russian Socialism", the assessment of the Decembrist movement in Russia is interesting in the book "On the development of revolutionary ideas".

Considering this movement as the first, truly revolutionary opposition of autocracy, Herzen sees in his failure not only the certificate of force, which is located Russian absolutism to combat the revolution, but mainly the consequence of "full break" between the "two Russia". After the defeat of the Decembrists, no illusions were already impossible: "The people remained an indifferent viewer on December 14th."

The great question of Russian social development was for Herzen in reuniteing the relationship between the "two camps", he believed that to solve this issue, it was necessary to attract a loyal property to the revolution, the peasant can and wants to be free only by owning his own land. So the Herzen has the idea of \u200b\u200b"land right" as the basis of the rapprochement of the "two Russians". The idea will take an important place in his "Russian socialism."

Further development of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" can be found in the Herzen letter to J. Misha "Russian People and Socialism" (1851) Here Herzen repeats the previously said thoughts about socialism: "On the youth" of the Russian people, about his right to the future, about The fact that this is based on the facts of the existence of a rural community corresponding to the socialism of "on the liberation of land", the destruction of serfdom as the beginning of the socialist revolution in Russia. Starting from this article, the theory of "Russian Socialism" is based not only on the fact of the existence of a rural community as a "socialist element" in the Russian public service, but also on the conviction in a certain role of this fact for future fates of the country. This role is associated with the fact that Russia is a country country, agrarian and it will remain in the future. In this letter, one of the important provisions of "Russian Socialism" was formulated for the first time, which "the person of the future in Russia is a man, just like in France a worker about the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia ... - T. 7. - p. 326.

With such views on the prospects for historical development in Russia, a number of utopian traits of the theory of "Russian Socialism" are associated, primarily underestimating the importance of the development of industry in Russia, a lack of understanding of the progressive role of Russian cities.

The problem of serfdom is devoted to the three articles of Herzen under the name "Russian Freight" (1852). From the point of view of the development of the "Russian Socialism" ideas, this work of Herzen is interesting in two ways: firstly, with a controversy with Gakstgausen on the nature of rural community Russia: and, secondly, the question of the fact that the development of Russia towards socialism Perhaps without the formation of landless proletarians in it. Gakstgausen argued that the entire public and political life of the Russian people was founded on the patriarchal principle that the Russian people were originally the people of nomads, shephese and only subsequently moved to farming. The main thing in the patriarchal life, he considered respect for the elder of the community, as the Russian people could not exist without the head - the king; The Russian people love the authority of the head of the family, the elders, the king. Herzen refuted his opinion about the rural community, the political structure of Russia and the nature of the Russian people.

The development of the ideas of "Russian Socialism" in articles on Russian serfdom and consisted, first of all, in defending the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Russian rural community as a "socialist element", contrary to the opinion of the "patriarchal" nature of the community meant at the same time approval of the incompatibility of the free development of the community with Ferrising Z.F. Social philosophy of Herzen. - M., 1973. - P. 160. "

In the "Russian serfdom" for the first time they begin to sound notes of controversy, directed not against the understanding of the community in the spirit of "official nationality", and against the liberal-western "denial" of the community. He writes in this work that the community put in blame the incompatibility of her with personal freedom. But isn't the lack of this freedom before the abolition of Yuryev's day ... Does the standing communities have not developed along with permanent settlements - free artel and a purely military community of Cossacks? The unavailable rural community left a fairly wide space for personal freedom and initiative. Cossack communities were not absorbed, did not suppress the personality of the work of 1852-57.// Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T.12. - P. 44-45. "

In the article "Established Property", Herzen writes that "that Russian life found in themselves the means to partly fill this drawback. Rural life has formed next to a fixed community, a bumpy, peaceful rolling community - the military community of Cossacks in the same place. - P. 109-110. "

He noted the special character of the Russian peasant defined by the communism of his community device and its rustic self-government. The communism of the Russian village was lying, according to Herzen, is based on Russian social order. Unity, expressed in a community device, will save the people Russian. But, in both works, he stipulates that socialist aspirations cannot find satisfaction in the communal text of the Russian village, nor in the "republican" device of the Cossack settlements.

The destruction of the community (and it is inevitable in the event of the liberation of peasants without land) would lead to the emergence of 20 million proletarians, and the proletarians of rural, which, according to his conviction, are not completely revolutionary as their city counterparts. They are not right, he claims, "who would have revealed the formation of the proletariat, because We would have seen a particle of revolutionary development, not to be a proletariat to make a revolution. " In these arguments, the Herzen is characteristic of the "Russian Socialism" the idea of \u200b\u200bthe possibility of avoiding the development of landless proletariat in Russia, and thereby the insecurity of life, which is inseparable from existence.

The main concern of Herzen consisted of how from the overseas far to help the revolution in his homeland. To this end, he founded a free Russian printing house in London in 1853, which marked the beginning of Russian unemployed printing, where they began to print and distribute individual works and leaflets that contribute to the development of the political identity of the Russian society.

The work of Herzenovskaya propaganda was the work "On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia", and the epic book "The Purchase and Duma", the work on which was lasting for 6 years (1852-1858).

At the end of June 1853, the first proclamation "Yuriev Day! Yuriev Day! " With the subtitle "Russian nobility." In the proclamation, elements of noble revolutionary with revolutionary democratism were surprisingly combined. Herzen wrote that there is no "" fatal necessity, "so that every step forward for the people was marked by piles of corpses. Baptism is a great deal, all success must certainly go through it there. - P. 84. "

The new orientation of Herzen works to the Russian audience will not appear immediately. In the magazine "British Republic", work will appear, which took an important place in the development of "Russian Socialism". She was written in the form of letters to the British and published under the name "Old World and Russia". In this paper, many of his thoughts are repeated. We are talking about youth of the Slavs, about the Russian people as the people of "agricultural", about the rural community as a "socialist element" of Russian life, the need to maintain the community and develop a "personal start", on the role of the nobility in the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia. But the most important thing is that these "letters" are known in the history of the Russian thought of the "classic" question: "There should be Russia throughout the European development phases or it will have a different way of movement to socialism.

These are the first milestones on the path of the philosophical and historical substantiation of the main idea of \u200b\u200b"Russian Socialism" - the ideas of the possibility of a non-capitalist path of development of Russia. But it is also the beginning of such a justification, only a few thoughts, considerations. The opportunity for Russia to power certain phases of the European development Herzen associates that these phases may, must and actually experience Russia, but on a special manner, Russia passed through these phases, Ideally, in the minds of your advanced ideas. "Russia, he writes," he did his revolution in the European School. The nobility together with the government form the European state in the state of Slavic. We passed through all the phases of liberalism, from the English constitutional worship of the 93rd year. People do not need to start this sorrowful work, made by Russia there. - S. 115-117. "

Educated Russia must now dissolve in the people. Russian progressive thought reached politics to socialism, in philosophy to materialism and denial of all religion. Socialism, says Herzen "again brought the revolutionary party to the people." In this article, the arguments of Herzen are the primitives of two very significant for the "Russian socialism" and its further development of ideas. First, an attempt to philosophically explain the opportunity for Russia to power some stages of European development history, based on the ratio of personal and historical. Secondly, the approach to the idea that the prerequisite for the socialist ideas of Western Europe is necessary for Russia to come to socialism without repeating the history of the path of Western European countries, and the idea of \u200b\u200bthe need to establish the relationship between the conclusions of Western Science, learned by the advance nobility and folk aspirations. He believed that in Russia some features of anarchism were preserved. Herzen highly appreciated the role of Russian non-official nobility. He wrote that "these people are the most independent people in Europe, they reached socialist ideas in politics, to mind in science, before denial and skepticism in philosophy there. - p.195. "

In the "letters", Herzen draws perspectives of the future revolution. "The state and personality, power and freedom, communism and egoism are Hercules poles of the Great Revolutionary Epopea. Europe offers solutions flawed and wild. The revolution will give the synthesis of these solutions. Socialist formulas will remain vague, as long as life will not fulfill them. The future system is socialism - he represented at that time a society without a government.

Herzen emphasizes that, without the assistance of Western socialist ideas, Slavic peoples will never gather forces and will not move from communism to conscious socialism.

He writes: "Artel and rural community, the section of the profit and section of the fields, the worldly gathering and the connection of the village in the parish, managed by themselves, are all the cornerstones on which the temmeram is created by our future free-communal life. But these cornerstones are still stones, and without Western thought, our future cathedral will remain with one foundation of the former and the Duma // Herzen A.I. Full. Sorce In 30 volumes. - T. 9. - S. 190. "

In 1855, the Almanac of the "Polar Star" begins to be published. The highest achievement of revolutionary and educational activities of Herzen was a publication together with N.P. The flammer newspaper "Bell" (1857-1867). Revolutionary agitation for the destruction of serfdom is beginning to be advanced in the activities of Herzen.

"Feature, the identity of Russia - says Herzen, is the rural community that exists over the centuries." He considered the peasant revolution quite possible in Russia and represented it in the form of a new frightening. But quite definitely stated that he preferred a peaceful way of destroying serfdom that the experience of the revolution of 1848 inspired him "disgust from bloody coups." Herzen turns his eyes to the Russian educated nobility. He believed that it was in the layer of a certain nobility that the germ and mental centers of the coming revolution were lured.

In 1857, in the theory of "Russian Socialism", the idea of \u200b\u200b"rights" of peasants to earth is finally formed. The liberation of peasants in Russia can and should be carried out as liberation from Earth, Herzen says that the man wants to get only worldly land, which he gained the right to work. "The man's man does not believe that the worldly earth can belong to other than the world, he most likely believes that he himself belongs to the earth than that the land can be taken away from the world. It is extremely important. "

Thus, by the time of the peasant reform of 1861, the main ideas of Russian socialism were developed and repeatedly repeated. The main components of the theory in the late 50s were: the recognition of Russia's special compared to Western European countries to socialism; The conviction that Russia is more capable of social revolution than these countries; Evaluation of a rural community as an embryo of a socialist organization and instructions on its qualities that allow you to see such a germ in it; The statement that the liberation of peasants from the earth should be the beginning, the first step of the socialist coup.

For the pre-reform period, a greater concentration of Herzen was characterized at the socio-economic aspect of theory.

After the reform of 1861, Herzen's hopes for the destruction of serfdom, which will open the direct road to the development of the country to socialism, did not come true. "Liberation" turned out to be half, the displeasure of the peasants was quite obvious. In journalism of the 60s, revolutionary and democratic trends, premonition of the peasant revolution, are brighter. One of the essential shifts in the thoughts of Herzen after the reform of 1861 was refused by hopes for the Middle Nobility as an ideological and organizational enzyme of Russia to "Russian Socialism". Proof of the fact that after the reform, Russia did not lose the opportunity to move to socialism, bypassing capitalism, constitutes an important side of the development of the theory of Russian Socialism in the 60s. The flag decade contributes to the theory of addition. Two works of Herzen of this period are interesting - "Letters of the Traveler" (Ser. 1865) and the article "By the end of the year". Herzen outlines two ways to move to socialism - "For the West, socialism is the setting sun, for the Russian people - ascending Volodin A.I. In search of revolutionary theory. - M., 1962. - P. 70.

The final study at the end of the 60s, which became a necessity for the development of the theory, was met with serious difficulties in the issue of the economic, social and political life of Russia. Studying this life abroad was becoming more difficult, especially since the living links of the "bells" with Russia weakened with each day.

The last time Herzen appeals to the question of socialism and a socialist coup in the letters "To the Old Comrade". The issue of social transformation is the main theme "Letters". The serious question of modernity is one, argued Herzen, is a question about socialism.

Yet "Russian Socialism" Herzen was a utopia, an error. He did not understand what is impossible from relations in the form of primitive communities, but essentially feudal directly jump into socialism. It is impossible because socialism requires for its construction of significant logistical development, which would give society the opportunity to solve social tasks.

Chapter II. The impact of the theory of "Russian socialism" Herzen on the views of populists The historical process of the development of Russian socialist thought from utopia to science takes almost half of the century. In search of scientific theory of social development, a special place belongs to revolutionary nationality. The population is the most important stage in the history of the Russian liberation movement and, at the same time, is the largest course of our public thought, which left a deep mark in the revolutionary theory, in the history of socialism, in philosophy, sociology, science, literature and art. Through the whole Russian liberation movement, the search for the correct revolutionary theory is being found. It was equally characteristic of both practitioners, and for the theorists of the people's movement, which actually themselves were active figures of the liberation struggle. "In the history of liberation movement and revolutionary thought, popraity occupies a special place because it, on the one hand, completes the revolutionary-democratic The period, concentrating all its weak and strengths, and on the other, directly precedes and largely prepare the soil for the proletarian forms of struggle. It was within the framework of the militarianism the first workers of organizations are developing, which first exist in the form of a proletarian-democratic jet and only then they are separated from it. Therefore, without studying the history of the People's Movement, it is impossible to understand the genesis of the Russian Social Democracy. It is at the people's period that the main severity of painful searches for scientific theory, its checks and tests in practice, it is populists who have been made to their shoulders, the experience of wandering and foloding, mistakes and disappointments, having come in the face of their most merpure representatives to rupture with the doctrine of utopian peasant socialism And to the understanding of Marxism as the only correct revolutionary theory of Galacticov A.A., Nikandrov P. Ideologists of Russian population. - L., 1966. - S. 6. "Movement Movement and how the ideology of peasant democracy in Russia developed in the 60s of the XIX century. In this decade, a deep breaking took place in all areas of the country's social life. The peasant reform of 1861 marked the beginning of the new bourgeois Russia, which was expressed from the serfdom. But this bourgeois content reform was carried out by the hands of serfs and royal officials who do not want to part with their privileges, so Russia has long retained the remnants of feudalism both in the economy and in politics and among them the main landowner land ownership with the semi-reprehensive exploitation of peasants and autocracy based on Nobility as a higher estate. Such a nature of the reform began to slow down the development of the country's economy. But, quite noticeable success, capitalism did in industry focused in cities, but in agriculture he penetrated extremely slowly and there still a dominant position belonged to the landlord of Latifundia. A twenty-year-old temporary state, the system of working out, repayment of a huge redemption for an insignificant put on, rental payments almost did not change the position of the most numerous social group. The main scourge of the peasantry was landless. In other words, the peasant question did not receive a satisfactory permission, and the village continued to remain a source of deep social contradictions, which even more aggravated under the action of the process of differentiation of the peasantry and the beginning of the community decomposition. It was developed in the struggle of peasants against serfdom, and in those years Capitalism in the West has already clearly showed his negative features. The illusions of the slogan "Freedom, equality, fraternity", drawn on the banners of the Great French Bourgeois Revolution, was completely distinguished by the middle of the XIX century. But the growth of capitalism in Russia began to declare themselves even more intensively after the cancellation of serfdom. The most insightful democratic publicists noticed this already in the 60s and beat the alarm: you need to do something! The best people of Russia saw their calling to the protection of serfs, folk interests, in the struggle at the same time against serfdom and against the nasty capitalism. Publication was ideological substantiating of this struggle. Relationship of the ideology of revolutionary population refers to the 40s of the XIX century, when A.I. Herzen put forward the theory of "Russian socialism". According to GV Plekhanov, the first "philosophical sanction" by Peopolism was given by A.I. Herzen who raised the question: should Russia have to repeat all the phases of European development on the way to socialism or will their life go through other laws? Her theory Herzen gave a negative answer to this question, believing that Russia carries the features of historical identity in the form of a rural community, alcohol and worldly self-government. Therefore, as it seemed to him, Russia will come to socialism, bypassing capitalism. The characteristic of the "Russian socialism", given by Herzen, confirms this. He wrote in the "bell" in 1867: "We call Russian socialism that socialism, which comes from the Earth and the peasant life, from the actual one and the existing redistribution of fields, from community possessing and community management - and comes together with employee artel towards The economic justice, to which socialism is seeking generally utopian socialism in Russia: Readings. - M., 1974. - S. 152 ". Almost populations from the sixties faith into special way, in the community system of Russian life, therefore, from here Vera in the possibility of the peasant revolution, and it inspired and raised the people to combat the government. And . The German comrade in his "letters to the old comrade" emphasized the importance in the revolution "of an energetic minority. There are many evidence of how the seventies have tried to get the old rooms of the contemporary and the" Russian word ". Often, during the seasons of gendarmes found articles, the entirely rewritten from the seasons. Hands, or discharge of them. About the ideas of Herzen and his companions spoke on gatherings - there are a number of testimony on interrogations, about the same memoirists write about the same. The monthly 60s and 70s are closely connected and originally populists rely on the whole Theoretical and tactical principles nominated by Herzen and his supporters. But as the revolutionaries are accumulated by the 1970s and 1980s, and due to the emergence of new practically Lithic tasks argued from the needs of the movement itself, their theory and practice was increasingly distinguished from the teachings of the leaders of the Russian revolutionary democracy, complemented by new elements and acquired specifically milly traits and features. By the age of 70, the populic ideology took shape in a rather slim doctrine. The company was inherited from A.I. Herzen is the idea of \u200b\u200bthe non-capitalist path of Russia to socialism, faith in the rural community as a germ of the future society, the conviction in the socialist nature of the peasant revolution and in the need for its preparation. They are also united by hatred for autocracy and injustice of the class building, they are born to concern about the welfare of the entire people, the protection of freedom and enlightenment, the revolutionary passion and intransigence to all the manifestations of liberalism. They deliberately expressed the interests of the peasant masses. Herzen attached the special importance of the intelligentsia in the liberation movement. This idea was modified in a populic ideology into a whole concept about the powerful influence of our intelligentsia on the people. In turn, the intelligentsia prevented in the 60s already in the 60s, the intelligentsia was getting around with the extreme idealization of the people, under which it was understood first of all, if not exclusively, the peasantry. Popolis, unrestrained the ministry of the people, believed in his revolutionary power and communist instincts and were attributed to the peasantry of the qualities that A.A. Galaktiov, Nicandrov P.F. Ideologists of Russian population. - L., 1966. - P. 8. The oppression of the position of the small commodity producer in the conditions of the transition period from feudalism to capitalism determined the internal contradiction of the movement and the ideology of populists. On the one hand, in view of the double oppression, under the threat of ruin, the peasantry was revolutionary, on the other, - struggling for self-preservation as a class, it defended the preservation of private ownership of land, carrying a conservative element. Being the ideologists of the peasantry, populists wanted to come to socialism, bypassing capitalism. But they, without aware of the bourgeois nature of the proposed transformations, in fact fought not for socialism, but only continued to defend the democratic trend in agriculture, which consisted in the demand for the peasants of the Earth. Being a utopia about what the economic consequences of the new land section should be, it is a satellite of the great, mass democratic lifting of the peasant masses that make up the majority of the population in Russia. Inherited from the "sixties" a number of fundamental provisions of their socio-political teachings and some tactical presenters, Already by the 60s in almost politically, they made a huge step forward, having entered into an open fight with autocracy. But, in theoretically, populists lost the high philosophical level of Herzen and its supporters. Hegel's referentrant from idealism, they skillfully used with the explanation of nature, the process of knowledge and public life. Thanks to this, Herzenis approached dialectical materialism, and the Sociology of Herzen contained in a number of significant items of solutions close to the materialistic understanding of the story. Dialectics did not find recognition in the populations, moreover, discouraged as a clever metaphysics. The role of philosophy was not assessed at all. Most simpatized then positivism. "The worldview of populists was devoid of integrity and sequence, because It was out of heterogeneous elements borrowed from neocantianism, positivism and anthropological materialism there. - S. 11 ". In sociology, since the 60s, the subjective method of explaining the historical process has gained increasing influence, which prevented populists to understand the objective laws of history. But, nevertheless, in philosophy and in the sociology of the ideologists of the minds of the mind of the then society, they received Quite an adequate display. In his writings, they did not pay any of the questions that worried about the minds of contemporaries, and as people who have high culture and education formed the beliefs of the whole generation. The populists did a lot for the propaganda and dissemination of the works and ideas of the founders of scientific socialism in Russia. But studying and spreading the works of the founders of Marxism, poplists could not organically assimilate their doctrine. What comes from the recognition of the original, non-capitalist path of Russia to socialism, referring to the absence of developed bourgeois relations and proletariat in the country, populists examined Marxism as a specific Western revolutionary theory. The populists attracted the revolutionary pathos in Marxism, the conviction in the reality of the struggle for socialism and the criticism of capitalism is completely exceptional in their foundation. The latter circumstance improved the populists who sought to step over the capitalist stage. According to tactics, revolutionary population was divided into three main directions: populists - propagandists led by P.L. Lavrov; Popolis - conspirators, or Blancians, led by P.N. Tkachev; populists - anarchists whose ideological leaders were MA Bakunin and PA Kropotkin. Consequently, the main ideologists of the population were: P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev, MA Bakunin, P.A. Kropotkin. Populists - propagandists, believed that one of the most important prerequisites of the revolution in Russia is the need for the preliminary development of revolutionary principles, revolutionary ideas and their propaganda in society, primarily among the wide masses of the peasantry. In order to bring convergence with the people, studying his living conditions and spiritual appearance, economic and political needs, with the aim of propaganda among the people of revolutionary socialist ideas and active preparation of him to the revolution, "walking in the people" began, and in the end, which gave an extraordinarily many populists themselves, but Having ended with ideological and political collapse for them. Popolis - conspirators did not believe in the revolutionary force of the people and all hopes were pinned on a revolutionary intellectual minority, which was due to a secret conspiracy to overthrow the autocracy and seize political power into their hands. The "revolutionary minority" should hold such events in the country that would ensure the liberation of the people from all forms of the oppression and the possibility of subsequent socialist transformations. Anarchists - populists, declaring the state the main enemy of the people, called for its destruction. They proved that the Russian people were ready for the social revolution for a long time that it should only be lifted to the riot, to destroy the old system, once and for all of any state-owned government, creating self-governing independent communities instead of the last contractual conditions. But, along with certain disagreements in tactics, the revolutionary populists had a lot in common. This, as already mentioned, the destruction of feudal-fortress remnants in the country, a negative attitude towards the development of capitalism in Russia, the idealization of the peasant community, the establishment of socialism in Russia. The sideline of the theories of populists of the 70s was, yet the criticism of capitalism, but they criticized him From the standpoint of a petty-bourgeois ideology, from the point of view of a man, which suffered no longer on the development of capitalism, but from the shortcomings of its development. The revolutionaries of that time understood the historically progressive role of capitalism, but considering Russia a country of distinctive historical development, they were afraid that he would trust the ruin of the village, destroy the community, and though it would be as if they would give the victory of socialism or even would completely deprive Russia with the possibility of transition to him. Therefore, they so fiercely defended the idea of \u200b\u200bthe non-capitalist development of Russia, expecting that it should be able to transfer the stage of capitalism in their development and go straight to socialism from feudalism directly to socialism. "While capitalist relations in the village were not developed enough and remained hidden from the attention of revolutionaries of the 70s, while There was no struggling proletariat in the country, populists expressed the interests of all the peasantry, and their struggle was highly progressive, since they objectively defended the principles of the only possible bourgeois-democratic revolution. But, as it approves capitalism and strengthening the class bundle of the peasantry, the population is logically and historically goes to the protection of small-handed production and becomes a hostile attitude to the proletarian movement and its ideology - Marxism Galacticov A.A., Nikandrov P.F. Ideologists of Russian population. - L., 1966. - C. 10 "] But this is happening in the late 80s90s, when the revolutionary population is belonging to itself and is replaced by a liberal, which rises with the ideals of revolutionary democracy and falls out of the channel of the liberation movement. The leading position in the revolutionary liberation movement proceeds to the proletariat. Liberal shades in people exist from the very beginning of movement, but gradually they turn into a whole course, which becomes in the mid-80s prevailing. Revolutionary and liberal population, so on, represents two different stages in motion and in political ideology. Chapter III. Socialist glances P.N. Tkacheva, P.L. Lavrova, MA Bakunina The concept of a socialist ideal in theories of leading ideologues of revolutionary population is largely specified in the development of circuits of the socialist future of Russia. In their work it is easy to see both common and special interpretations of the problems of socialism. The present for them was an understanding of the socialist ideal as generally and in relation to Russia, the ideal, which is on the fortress community (common and in the city, to the entire social relationship system) ; The generals were the foundations of critics of capitalism (regardless of whether or not the historical progressiveness was recognized as a building in relation to Europe); there was a general recognition of capitalist development of regress towards Russia; There was a general understanding of the social revolution as the peasant revolution; The common tasks of the destruction of monarchy and feudal relations, etc. The best ideas about the ideal of the future socialist society in Russia, the ideologists of revolutionary nationality in Russia were outlined in their program documents: "Forward! - our program "(1873); "Nabat" (1875); In the "Supplement" A "to the book MA Bakunina "Statehood and Anarchy" (1875), "historical letters" (1870) and much more. Of course, all these provisions were largely prepared by A.I. Herzenom and N.G. Chernyshevsky. It is not less for the history of utopian socialism in Russia. Russia is the greatest interest, which was made by the theorists of the 1970s in the development of the theory of socialism, then what they were most of theoreuriginal. The discrepancies between them began when they moved to the interpretation not only the creatures of the revolution, which should lead Russia to socialism, but also, which is especially important, to the exquisite of ways and means of its implementation in relation to the social and political conditions in which they accounted for To act revolutionaries-socialists. If we talk about the main thing, which was introduced the theorists of the revolutionary nationality of the 70s, then this is the development of the theory of the social revolution. For the first time in the history of utopian socialism, it was developed in unity and comprehensively, on the basis of studying the experience of revolutionary movement, both in Russia and in Europe. They were not limited to reasoning about socialism at all, about the theory of socialism, and tied this theory with the practice of liberation movement, creating their own options for the appliance of socialism theory to the specific conditions of Russian reality. Despite the utilityism of socialist theories, the formulation of the problem of the general and special in the development of socialism, both theories and practices testifies to the historical realism, the depth of the thought of revolutionary populists. They were characteristic of the critical understanding of both their own, domestic socialist traditions, and all that the theoretical thought and the experience of the revolutionary movement in Western European countries were given. Development of the contours of the Society of the Future in the largest mergery is presented in the Socialist theory of P.L. Lavrov. He devoted many of his works in socialism. Some of them are theoretical and methodological character, in others - its theory of "working socialism" is developed in detail. Interesting his "historical letters". Journal program "Forward!" Which advanced two main tasks: the struggle of the "real worldillocation against the world of theological" science against religion revolutionary population of the 70s. XIX C.: Collection of documents and materials in 2 volumes. - M., 1961 - 1965. - T. 1. - P. 21. "He deliberately sought to turn his journal into a body that combines the shades of Russian radical-socialist thought, considering with all this that the absence abroad of other Russian authorities The press obliges "forward!" Provide the opportunity to all shades of Russian socialist thought to speak out on controversial issues. In the program of the magazine, the contours of its socialist concept are traced, which will indeed be one of the shades of the Russian utopian socialism of revolutionary nationality. Here, in general, the peculiarity of the Russian socialist ideal was noted, the paths and means of its achievement were determined, the relation to the state and its future was expressed, in a vague, unclear form was indicated on the need for a peculiar transitional period to the future socialist ideal. The life of the Russian society, as Lavrov believed It was supposed to "realize the needs of the majority, they themselves created and understood there. - C. 27 ". The soccer base of this fair ideal was declared the peasantry with his community land tenure. "To develop our community in the sense of community processing of the Earth and community use of its products, make the main political element of the Russian community system from the worldly gathering, to absorb privately in communal property, give the peasantry to education and then understanding its social needs, without which it never will be able to use With its legal rights, no matter how widely, it will not come out of the minority, even in the case of a successful coup - this is specially Russian goals who should contribute to any Russian, who wishes progress to their fatherland Lavrov P. L. Philosophy and Sociology. Selected works in 2 volumes. - M., 1965. - T. 1. - C.25.. In the program of the magazine "Forward!" Lavrov spoke as a supporter of the social coup. His position on the issue of the state was largely close to the position of Bakunin. He noted that the "political question" was subordinate to the issue of social and especially economic. " Brought him with Bakuunin not only the opposition of the political revolution of social, but also his understanding of the future political organization of the Company, which was provided to him by the Federation of autonomous communities. Developing this thought, he concludes that the political progress of mankind is to increase the autonomous beginning, in small groups of communes and free unions due to the central beginning of modern legal states. Lavrov's program ideas about the future of the state significantly differed from the point of view of Bakunin. He believed that the complete destruction of the state is the case of a distant future. Between the future ideal of the socialist dormitory, in which the widest freedom of personality will not prevent solidarity between equal persons and extensive cooperation for a common goal, "and the modern state should be a number of" mediating political forms. Clear and clear definition of these forms of Lavrov did not give. He believed that the celebration of the Socialist ideal would be provided by the struggle of these political forms with modern statehood. We are talking about the transitional period, on the preservation of the "state element" during this period. The laurel of community socialism is largely bringing his position with a point of view by A.I. Herzen. The similarity here is planned not only in understanding some individual provisions of communal socialism, but rather a certain community of their views on the historical progress of Russia. As well as Herzen, Lavrov believed that the Russian people consist of two classes: the most numerous - "black people" - The class of workers, which "concludes all the actual economic forces of the nation", and the class of the exploitative minority - landowners and officials Fedorkin N.S. Utopic socialism of ideologues of revolutionary population. - M., 1984. - P. 69. Brought him closer to Herzen. The idealization of the Russian community as an intended cell of the future socialist device of Russian reality and an idea of \u200b\u200bthe Russian state from the Petrovsky era as a foreign element that does not have roots in the economic life of the Russian people. Almost as Herzen, Lavrov developed the idea that "Petersburg despotism" suppressed all the initiative of the dominant classes, turned them into a social phenomenon, completely alien to the Russian people, his spirit, traditions, the basics of economic life. These classes with all their institutes "were crushed by Moscow and St. Petersburg despotism" and "finally lost all the opportunity to give the ground for the political revival of the Company. In the presentation of Lavrov, working classes, separating from the highest classes, retained the folk spirit, increased and strengthened the traditions of the economic life of the people. The peasant community in the context of St. Petersburg despotism "retalted economic self-government, by its own by the redistribution of the Earth, the most part chose his officials, developed his usual right and in the constant viability of the worldly gathering in the Russian peasant Axom of People's Solidarity. The working artel in Russia, marked Lavrov The spirit of the principles of the community created the "Type of Moving Union of Persons" with community farm and the selection of earnings. As a result, Lavrov argued, the Russian people represented a solid ground for solidarity of small groups, and therefore, for the development of a hostel on the principles of working socialism. The evidence of Russian "Ostiva" is even more manifested in Lavrov when it compares the development of Western Europe and Russia. He understood that historically the community was once a "common type of public life" of all the now civilized peoples. In the west of the community, two forms of life were put forward - "manor" (private landing property) and "urban" (prototype of modern bourgeois property). Procedure of this process was the decomposition of the community and the emergence of a modern bourgeois society with its powerful state, developed economic forces, markets, Large cities. In Russia, never had such opposition to cities in the villages, as was the place in the West. The modern economic and social structure of society he understood as follows. Russia is "at a present moment, firstly, numerous community rural centers of the population, having its own beginnings of solidarity, secondly, less than half a dozen of large administrative centers, causing the state unity of the country, and between these two main forms of the hostel estate scattered and unnecessary friend with each other of representatives of private land ownership; Further, the miserable points of local markets and local administrations are called cities, but having no vitality; Finally, developing factory centers are quite similar to what we find in Western Europe Lavrov P. L. Selected writings in 4 volumes. - M., 1935. - T. 2. - P. 276. " This judgment of Lavrov in its entirety reveals his idealization of a special in the development of the Russian historical process, reminding them of valid trends in the Russian economy, which in the 70s already gave large statistical material and on the decomposition of the Russian community, and the real statement of statement in Russian reality capitalist public relations. Lovers repeatedly emphasized that in Russia the conditions of the capitalist building came with the liberation of the peasantry. It was that Russia really became on the path of Europe, it was an obvious to any observation person, but it did not prevent Lavrov to emphasize that Russia is still Asia and as a result of the historical features of development, it is necessary to focus on the Russian community, in which, in almost the finished form, the contours of the future socialist dormitory of the Russian people are presented. But this explanation of the essence of the Russian historical process, as well as the nature of the Russian bourgeoisie, did not prevent Lavrov To speak as a combat critic of bourgeois liberalism, capitalist exploitation, all the vices of this society. Noting the incredit value for the future Russian community of the Russian community, Lavrov at the same time believed that its long-term existence in the conditions of St. Petersburg despotism led the Russian people to significant losses. This was expressed in the fact that the working masses were "outside the motion of thought", which in the West prepared the theory of solidarity of all mankind. Next, he noted that "the inherited sense of solidarity of the community world or artel in different forms for the Russian people was limited only to the framework of the community, outside of which the struggle reigns for the existence between the communities, and between" starving and oppressants Fedorkin N.S. Declaration. - P. 137. " All this led to that, laurels noted that in the environment of Russian workers classes could not form the idea of \u200b\u200b"the need for economic communism". From here, the special sound acquired the requirement of propaganda and agitation in the medium of the peasant masses, the introduction of ideas of working socialism into their consciousness. On the other hand, the task of concretization and the hostel itself was put forward, since the community itself, in his submission, only outlined the contours of this ideal. In the greatest features, the future ideal of the socialist hostel was presented to Lavrov's type of the Zemstvo community, modified and developed. He believed that in the future society in Russia, the trend towards the concentration of mass workers in the cities will be replaced by a kind of equalized settlement, which was supposed to cause a new "type of land community that differs from the current small city, and from the current Western village, and from the Russian village of Lavrov P. L. Decree op. - T. 2. - p. 276 ". We actually oppose the future ideal of Lavrov, in fact contrasted itself to Marxism, connecting himself more with the go-out than with the actual future of Russia. His socialist theory of scientific, Lavrov tried to give her a corresponding form. With the point of view of Lavrov Socialists-utopians have made a certain contribution to the development of socialist thought in the direction of utopia to science. It has been noted that among the prerequisites of the working socialism of Lavrov especially allocates the development and formation of the proletariat, a working class, a sharp aggravation of contradictions between labor and capital. The theoretical prerequisites of the working socialism of Lavrov was not in economic theories, not in the highest achievements of German classical philosophy and not even in utopian socialism. In each historical society, in Lavrov, there are elements of socialism, because socialism is concluded in the very nature of a person, he is peculiar to him as Socialist instinct. The historical process is represented as a century-old wrestling of good and evil, and he believed that the implementation of ideals of socialist morality is possible only in a socialist society and "that only the victory of this building over the current building is the way for humanity to progress." The socialist ideal of morality acts at Lavrov as "the highest moral ideal, which produced humanity of Lavrov P.L. Philosophy and sociology. Selected works in 2 volumes. - M., 1965. - T. 2. - P. 295. "Circitics of capitalism in Lavrova basically unfolded along its moral condemnation. The essence of the capitalist society, he was not seen in the assignment of someone else's work, but in the hyperbolically exaggerated principle of competition, which they were considered as a kind of manifestation of all against everyone. The requirement of overall labor for general benefits, the requirement of returning all its forces on its development, the requirement from the "only necessary" society for personal existence, improvement. In this, in fact, the entire program of the socialist dormitory according to the principles of working socialism was concluded, as Lavrov represented him. On the revolution of Lavrov looked like a huge disaster, which brings, above all, the oppressed masses. Therefore, the revolutionary way of transformation of society is for him a "sad means of historical progress there. - Pp. 267. "Any reason for the emergence of revolutions, he sees in the lack of" mental and moral development in the dominant and governing personalities and groups ", by virtue of what is even" the most peaceful and sincere reformers to contact revolutionaries. " Of course, summing up, it must be said that in many respects Lavrov's views on what was happening were utopians, in which the big merit of A.I. Herzena, but they occupy one of the main places in the ideology of populism and made a lot of valuable in it. The discretion of the contours of the Society of the future was engaged in M.A. Bakunin. He also stood on the positions of peasant socialism. He gave the substantiation of a socialist ideal for Russia in the works of "revolutionary issues. Federalism, socialism and antitheetologism "(1867)," Our Program "(1868)," Support "A" to the book M.A. Bakunina "Statehood and Anarchy" (1873). Bakunin believed that no theory could provide anyone to anyone the ideal of his future socialist hostel. If in the very peoples did not have such an ideal at least in its main features, then it should not be thought of the possibility of a socialist revolution in these countries. This ideal is the "result of folk historical tests", his aspirations, suffering, protests, struggle and at the same time, there is a figurative and generally intended, always simple, expression of its present requirements and hopes of revolutionary population of the 70s. XIX century …-FROM. 43. As Bakunin believed, the entire European world was objectively ripe for the social revolution, since the experience of the last almost old history showed the working classes that "from privileged classes and from the current states, in general from political coup, there is nothing to expect and that they can only be released on their own effort, their own Through the socialist revolution, "he noted, he noted, in the consciousness of the Russian people there was a long sentence about the ideal that nourishes his best hopes for justice in the future. Bakunin allocated three positive and three negative features of this popular ideal. He referred to a positive, firstly, the conviction of the peasant masses is that the land belongs to the one who irrigates her with his later and fertilizes its own difficulty. Secondly, the right to use the Earth belongs not to a separate person, but the community, the world, which is the only right of its temporary division between members of the community. Thirdly, the community of autonomous, it has its own self-government and therefore hostile opposes the Russian state. But these foundations of the national ideal are shaded and overshadowed, as he believed, three other features that distort his character and extremely difficult and slow down his exercise. This is the patriarchalness, the absorption of the face of the world and faith in the king. To the fourth negative feature of the Russian national ideal, he also referred "Christian faith, officially Orthodox, or a sectator in the same place. - pp. 50 ". The sidewalk of the Bakuninsky peasant socialism is the scourising criticism of the modern public building of Russia, the complete absence of any idealization of the existing Russian community. In Patriarchalschin, Bakunin saw the" main historical "evil, which distorts the whole Russian life, contributes to She is a lie, hypocrisy, stupid, butter. The Russian community is a "closed whole, as a result of which it constitutes one of the main misfortunes in Russia," no community has and does not feel necessary to have any independent organic communications with other communities. " They are conditionally connected only in the face of the king, this pseudo-instead of the "Supreme Power". And the absorption of the face of the world, and faith in the king, and the religiousness of the Russian people, the reason for which he saw not so much in ignorance, as "in his poverty, in his material sufferings and in unheard of oppression of all kinds" - all this is connected and due to the patriarchal of Russian Communities against which should be directed, as Bakunin thought, all the energy of the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia. Like Lavrov, Bakunin called the Russian youth "to the people", but the goals with all this was different. If Lavrov urged the revolutionary intelligentsia to bring the ideas of working socialism into the people, to turn off and agitation in it, then Bakunin, on the contrary, urged to prepare a nationwide riot, tear the closure of the Russian patriarchal community, purify the Russian national ideal from all his negative traits and direct the faults of the working people to Its primordial purity. In the same case, Lavrov and Bakunin were summed up by their reasoning to substantiate ways and means of achieving a socialist ideal, to substantiate their variants of the theories of the socialist revolution. Despite the strengths of the Bakuninsky criticism of the Russian despotism, another aspect of it should be noted. Criticism was unscientific. He did not analyze Russian economic relations, did not reveal new trends in the development of the Russian village in the pureformal period. For him, the Russian community, spoke to some static phenomenon. The future of the fair society he "closed" by the framework of the same Russian community, purified from all negative sides. In the work "Our program" he wrote: "We want a complete mental, socio-economic and political liberation of the people, therefore: 1) the abolition of the rights of hereditary property; 2) the equations of the rights of a woman, both political and socio-economic, with the rights of a man Therefore, we want to destroy family law and marriage, both church and civil; 3) the education and education of children. .. Must be mainly in the care of the free society Bakunin M.A. Selected philosophical essays and letters. - M., 1987. - S. 175. " "The land belongs only to those who handle it with their own hands - agricultural communities. Capital and all tools of work - employees - workers' associations there. - P. 205 ". Slave, determining the origins of human history, Bakunin, put it at the end - the ideal of anarchy - the absolute freedom of mankind. In the state, he believed, all the evil of the human race was concluded. Bakunin came to justifying his anarchic ideal. The understanding of the results of the Great French Revolution, revolutions in Western European countries in the XIX century, the plight of the working people in Russia, various areas of social thought of this era, brought him to the conviction that the ideal of anarchy is the only possible ideal of the really social liberation of mankind. In his works, he turns to the Socialists-Utopists, believing that in the revolution of 1848, socialism lost due to the lack of positive ideas in it at that time. The Bakunin did not see the great social thinkers in the face of "great thinkers". It was infected with Proudhon by the formulas of anarchy and federalism, but was a supporter of revolutionary methods to achieve the ideal of anarchy, collective ownership, was a materialist. Bakunin's materialism "Destroy all" assigned However, and Positive demands, through the confiscation of the land, "capital and instruments", "church and state owners" monstedly destroy the private property and approve the property of the Collective - the property of workers 'partnerships, workers' associations in the property of agricultural associations. Labor in the future society seemed to be a matter of all. Instead of the confiscated property of the face, devoid of property, should have been supplied with everything necessary, and later, if they want, they could earn their own work more, therefore, the principle of distribution in the future society was presented by the principle of socialism. In one of its numerous programs Bakunin did not set the question of the destruction of the exploited classes, on the contrary, he noted that the "expressions of all kinds", "villains", not guilty, since they are an involuntary product of the modern organization of society. Theory of the Socialist Revolution of Bakunin was directly related to his socialist views. He considered that people require not a prepared revolution, but the organizational "BunTa", which, by virtue of its nature, he is inherent in the Bunlet beginning. He considers the revolution as a phenomenon that is essentially international or universal. He was a supporter of the socialist revolution and sharply opposed her a political revolution. His desire to one revolutionary act to immediately destroy all the foundations of modern unfair societies and immediately establish paradise on Earth the Kingdom of Absolute Human Freedom, economic equality and justice. The need for the struggle of the workers of the masses for political freedoms has denied, and preached "the full economic liberation of workers, i.e. The destruction of the bourgeoisie as a class of economically separated by mass. " Bakuninskaya "Social Liquidation" suggested universal, overibimal, international "riot", the destruction of all existing states and the "announcement" of communism. The people need to promote, organize, enlighten, i.e. Prepare for the revolution. In the quality of propaganda, he offered to send freely units in the village. In front of them, he put the task of not the propaganda of the ideas of socialism, not agitation, but the excitement of peasants, appeals to their Bunctric instincts. Of course, he laughed at the revolutionary intelligentsia, its task is to organize a revolution. It is less interesting to the socialist views of PN. Tkacheva. The future of Socialist Russia, as it seemed to Tkachev, was closely associated with everything with the same popular ideal of the Russian community. In the program of the magazine "Nabat", he calls the community a "cornerstone" stone of that future public system, which we all dream. At the same time, his substantiation of community socialism and the understanding of the socialist opportunities of this institution is significantly different from the two preceding. Do not note the focus of the evolution of socialist views of Tkachev. In his first performances, for example, in the problem of the "tasks of revolutionary propaganda in Russia" (1874), Tkachev was still under the strong influence of the ideas of Bakunin, especially in the issues of revolution and the state. In a later period, in the works of the second half of the 70s, it contributes substantial adjustments on all the problems of the socialist theory. In relation to the community, as in a possible future cell of the socialist restructuring of Russian reality, Tkachev was closer to Bakunin. In the "open letter, Mr. Friedrich Engels, he stressed that although the Russian people and ignorant," but in most part (especially in the northern, central and southeastern parts of Russia) imbued with the principles of community ownership; He, if you can put it, the communist on instinct, and the traditions of Tkachev P. N. Selected Works on Social and Political Topics in 6 volumes. - M., 1932-1937. - T. 3. - P. 90-91. " But we were separated by Tkachev and Bakunina of their assessment of the possible revolutionism of the Russian people. Unlike Bakunina, Tkachev did not attribute the Russian people to revolutionary in nature. It is this distinction that is the initial point of the rationale of the Tkacheva of his gaze on the socialist opportunities of the Russian community. Of the nations could be conservative if they tend to conservate the historically established forms of the human dormitory, and revolutionary, if they are imbued with the desire to re-create these forms. What is the Russian folk ideal? The ideal of the Russian people is "self-governing community, submission of the person to the world, the right of private use, but by no means a frequent ownership of land, a patch, the fraternal solidarity of all members of the community - in one word Ideal, - Tkachev said, - with a clearly pronounced communist tint. What any of the ideologues of revolutionary population understood the real economic processes that took place in the Russian village in the purea-formed period, and especially the 70s. The institute of the Russian community, in his submission, is "at the crossroads of two roads", one of which is already leads "to the kingdom of individualism", and the other can turn "to the kingdom of communism." Tkachev was far from the idealization of the Russian community. For Tkacheva, a more historical approach to the analysis of the community is characteristic. In general, a number of works, he was far from idyllic positions considered the internal processes of development of the Russian community. Cachev noted that "the disposal of production and the relative economic independence of each community is conducive to the development of the spirit of rivalry and competition than the spirit of solidarity and the fraternal unity of Tkachev P.N. Selected Works ... - T. 3. - P. 264. " There is no internal desire to update the forms of the hostel in the community. "The community ideal of the Russian people does not follow the fossil forms of his life and therefore he cannot be the ideal of the coming revolution. Even the most complete use of peasant ideals of life, very little will inject us to the ultimate goal of the social revolution - to the celebration of communism. " What kind of exit saw Tkachev? The output is one: the introduction of "in the historically established system of the People's Community" of new elements and new facts that would bring the community "from its sustainable equilibrium, would have shifted it from her space, would pushing it on the road of communist development." He considered the people who are not capable of building a new socialist ideal, which is not able to play a "outstanding" role in this matter. This role will belong to the exclusively revolutionary minority. " The new elements that were to enrich the "positive ideals of the" Russian peasantry can only be taken in the socialist world, in a revolutionary minority. But the socialist ideal of Tkacheva is not just a synthesis of a conservative folk ideal and some new elements of the socialist world of the revolutionary intelligentsia, but a completely new, "wider and more revolutionary than the people's ideal." The formation of its Tkachev associated with a long transition period, in the process of which and All tasks of social coup were allowed. Although Tkacheva, compared with other ideologues of revolutionary population, noticeably tucked faith in the socialist opportunities of the Russian community, although the Russian socialist perfectly understood the creatures of the events in the village, the development of elements of "bourgeois progress" in it, nevertheless, he shared the illusion of the possibility of a non-capitalist path Development of Russia. Its utopism was that he thought through the immediate social revolution to block, stop the further development of capitalism and through a number of reforms to direct Russia along the way to socialism. It is complemented by the lack of faith in Tkacheva in the revolutionary creative possibility of popular masses. Tkachev was on the positions of faith in the special way of the Russian peasant farm, faith in the community, like a germ of socialism. If the history of social development does not bring close, but, on the contrary, removes society from its ultimate goal, it is completely natural that it in itself will not be able to get out of this process. Revolutionary intelligentsia in this regard acts as a carrier more revolutionary ideal, if we talk about Russia , and as the only force capable of implementing it in practice. Tkachev was most traded from nationalism. In general, the sociological views of Tkachev gave an interpretation of the historical perspective of social development towards socialism, which he acts as the purpose of historical progress. Socialism from this point of view as a public ideal acts as a universal scientific theory. "Socialism is the socialist formula of social relations, the formula derived from a thorough scientific study and critical analysis of the phenomenon of public life, and this formula is as universal and obligatory as any mathematical theory ... - Socialism is the same everywhere, he places one and those everywhere. The requirements, imposing the same responsibilities, establishes the same public relations. .. ". In the program of the magazine" Nabat ", if we talk about the state," I strengthen your power, relying on the People's Duma and extensively using propaganda, a revolutionary state will implement a social revolution with a number of reforms in the field of economic, political and legal relations of the Company - reforms The common nature of which should be: in the gradual transformation of the modern peasant community, based on the principle of temporary, private ownership, in the community-community, based on the principle of general sharing tools for production and overall work; In the gradual expropriation of produced tools in private ownership and in transmitting them to general use; In the gradual introduction of such public institutions that would eliminate the need for any mediation in the exchange of products and changed the most it is its principle, - the principle of bourgeois justice: an eye for an eye, tooth for the tooth, service for the service, -princip of fraternal love and solidarity ...; In the development of community self-government and the gradual weakening and abolition of the central functions of state power. He writes: "The case of revolutionaries will not ends with a violent revolution, on the contrary, it begins to them. Capturing power in his hands, they must be able to keep it and take advantage of it to implement their ideals; And for this they should have, first of all, a clear, accurate, strictly defined, consistently desired program. Without having it, they will act a touch, fall into permanent, inevitable contradictions and their inconsistency will destroy themselves. "So, the theories of the ideologues of revolutionary population, each separately, is of great interest in the history of utopian socialism. And by many provisions of their theories, of course, they are obliged to A.I. Herzen, which laid the theoretical foundations. Conclusion

Common for the Herzen and populists were an understanding of the socialist ideal both in general, and in relation to Russia, the ideal, which is silent on the peasant community; The generals were the foundations of critics of capitalism, the general was recognized by the capitalist development of the regression in relation to Russia; There was a general understanding of the social revolution as the revolution of the peasant; The common tasks of the destruction of monarchy and feudal relations, etc. Of course, here, in these general provisions, population theorists were more original in relation to the ideas of community socialism. Nevertheless, for the history of utopian socialism in Russia, it is the greatest interest, which has made theoretics of the 1970s in the development of the theory of socialism, which they were most importantly. The discrepancies between them began when they moved to the interpretation not only the creatures of the revolution, which should lead Russia to socialism, but also, which is especially important, to find ways and means of its implementation in relation to those socio-political conditions in which they had to act Socialist revolutionaries. If we talk about the main thing, which made theorists of the revolutionary nationality of the 70s, this is the development of the theory of the social revolution. For the first time in the history of utopian socialism in Russia, the problems of revolution and socialism were developed in unity, comprehensively. The merit of Herzen and populists is that they fought for the liberation of the people of Russian from oppression, for unwillingness to live and work in existing conditions, for establishing a better future for Russia, which they saw in socialism.

Bibliography 1. Alekseeva G.D. Publication in Russia in the XIX C.: Idea Evolution. - M., 1990.2. Antonov V. Publicism in Russia: Utopia or rejected opportunities // Questions of history. - 1991. - №1.3. Antonov V.F. Revolutionary population. Manual for Teacher.- M., 1965.4. Bakunin MA Selected philosophical essays and letters. - M., 1987.5. Bogatov V.V. Philosophy P. Lavrov. - M., 1972.6. Purchase and Duma. // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - M., 1956. - T.8-97. Vandalkovskaya MG The history of the study of the Russian revolutionary movement is SM X1X.: 1890-1917. - M., 1982.8. Volodin A.I. In search of revolutionary theory. - M., 1962.9. Volodin A.I. Hegel and Russian Socialist idea in Russia in the XIX V.- M., 1973.10. Volodin A.I. Herzmen.- M., 1970 .11. Volodin A.I. The beginning of socialist thought in Russia. - M., 1966 .12. Volodin A.I., Intensberg B.S. P. Lavrov. - M., 1981.13. Galaktino A.A., Nikandrov P.F. Ideologists of Russian population. - L., 1966.14. Herzen A.I. About socialism: Favorites. - M .., 1974 .15. Demidenko A.I. P. Lavrov. - M., 1969.16. Dieletantism in science: letters to study nature. 1842-46.// Herzen A.I. Complete assembly in 30 volumes M., 1954. .- Tz.17. Dyakov in A. Liberation movement in Russia 1825-61, M., 1979.18. Zakharina V.F. Voice of revolutionary Russia. Editions for the people. - M., 1971.19. From the history of socio-political movement in Russia. - M., 1967.20. Itenberg B.S. The movement of the revolutionary population of the 70s. XIX V.- - - M., 1989.21. Kostin A.F. From utopia to science.: From the history of revolutionary thought in Russia. - M., 1984.22. Lavrov P.L. Selected writings in 4 volumes. - T.4.- M., 1935.23. Lavrov P.L. Philosophy and sociology. Selected works in 2 volumes.- M., 1965. -T.1-2.24. Levin S.M. Essays on the history of Russian public thought. - M., 1974 .25. Lossky N.O. History of Russian philosophy. - M., 1991.26. Lyashenko L.M. Revolutionary populists: a book for high school students. - M., 1965.27. Materials on the history of the USSR for seminars and practical exercises. Liberation and public thought in Russia XIX century .-- M., 1991.28. On the development of revolutionary ideas in Russia. Works 1851-52. - T.7. // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - M., 1956.29. Pirumova N.M. A.Gensen is a revolutionary, thinker, man. - M., 1989.30. Pirumova N.M. Social doctrine M. Bakunina.- M., 1990.31. Letters from France and Italy. 1847-52.// Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - M., 1955.- T.532. Problems of study of Herzen. - M., 1963.33. Works 1852-57. // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - T. 12.-M., 1957.34. Prokofiev Va. A.Gerzen.- M., 1987.35. Revolutionary population of the 70s. XIX century Collection of documents and materials in 2 volumes.- M., 1961-65. - T.1.36. Rudnitskaya E.P. Peter Tkachev: Russian Blankism // History of the USSR, - 1992, №3.37. From that shore. Articles // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in the 30 volumes. - M., 1955. .- T.638. Semenov B.C. A.Gerzen.- M., 1987.39. Smirnova Z.V. Social philosophy of Herzen.- M., 1973.40. Articles and Faken 1841-1846. Diary 1842 -45.// Herzen A.I. Complete essays of 30 -th volumes. - M., 1954. - T.2.-41. Articles from the "Bell" and works 1857-58. // Herzen A.I. Complete writings in 30 volumes M., 1957-58. - T.1342. Articles from the "Bell" and works 1861.// Herzen A.I. Complete Works in 30 volumes. - T.15.-m., 1958.43. Articles from the "Bell" and the works of 1862 -63. // Herzen A.I. Complete writings in 30 volumes. - T.18.- M., 1958.44. Articles from "Bell" and works 1863-64. // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - T.19.-m., 1960.45. Articles from the "Bell" // Herzen A.I. Full collected works in 30 volumes. - T .. 14.- M., 1958.46. Tkachev P.N. Selected writings on social and political topics in 6 volumes.- M., 1932-37. - T.2.47. Tkachev P.N. Selected writings on social and political topics in 6 volumes.- M., 1932-37. - T. 3-4.48. Tkachev P.N. Collected Works in 2 volumes.- M., 1975-76 - T.2.49. Utopic Socialism in Russia: Readings. - M., 1985.50. Fedorkin N.S. The utopian socialism of the ideologists is revolutionary51. Fedorovsky N.G., Shekley A.E. Utopia and Socialism // Questions of Story. - 1994. - №11.52. Heifets M.I. The second revolutionary situation in Russia (K.70-X - N. 80s. XIX century). Crisis of government policy. - M., 1963.53. Schiphanov I.Ya. Philosophy and sociology of Russian nationality. - M., 1983.54. Eidelman N.Ya. Herzen against autocracy: the secret political history of Russia of the XVIII - X1X centuries. And free print. - M., 1984.

The sixties are noted by the emergence of new moments in the ideological content of public movements. This period is replete with radical programs and no less radical public actions. Historians (A.I. Volodin and B. M. Chematov) refer to its period of formation of revolutionary utopian socialism on Russian soil arising from the compound of two streams - Russian utopian ("peasant") socialism and a mass revolutionary movement in the medium-pointed intelligentsia environment.

A. I. Herzz and N. G. Chernyshevsky became prominent representatives of Russian utopian socialism. It is characteristic that both of them recognized their proximity to the positions of Slavophiles. Herzen noted that the Slavophilas "belongs to the honor and glory of the priority", it is from them "the fracture of Russian thought" begins. They brought them closer to Westerns, to whom Herzen rang themselves, love for freedom and sense of love - "unlimited, clutching all the existence of love for the Russian people, Russian household, to the Russian warehouse." Chernyshevsky about Slavophilas spoke like this: "They belong to the number of educated, noblest and the greeted people in Russian society."

To the ideas and designs of community (millish, "peasant") socialism simultaneously came many social philosophers, but the priority here belongs Alexander Ivanovich Herzena(1812-1870). It was he who took the rural community as the main support element in the building of the future Russian socialism. This topic was discussed by him simultaneously with the theme of the backwardness of Russia, its identity and a special mission in public transformations and other peoples. Historical events as it were swept over the Russian people, he was writing Herzen, in many ways repeating Chaadaev, but, crushed and clogged, he retained his original character, his youth, not burdened, like the peoples of the West, the age-old traditions of historical life. It is precisely the preservation of an original nature that makes it sensitive to socialism, and most of all this is associated with a special role of the rural community. "The community saved the Russian people from Mongolian barbarism, from the stewed landlords and from the German bureaucracy. Community organization, although very shocked, resulted against the intervention of power; she lived well Before the development of socialism in Europe. " In community economic and administrative beginnings, he saw the embryos and the features of socialist collectivism. "... In the hives of the Russian peasant, we found the embryo of economic and administrative institutions based on the generality of land tenure, on agricultural and instinctive communism." However, Herzen were also visible to the negative sides of community orders - the absorption of the personality of the world (community), as in all other cases "of undeveloped communism." He saw in the use of Western science, designed to put in fertilizing effect on the peasant life. Without this, agricultural communism will be gross and primitive, like the equalization communism of the Grakhha Babef in the West, which practically eliminates the freedom of personality and therefore cannot be considered a worthy embodiment of socialism. Advanced Russian people who have passed through Western civilization and their own historical experience and socialist performances should be called to the acquisition of the Russian peasant to the positive results of civilization and the science of the West.

On November 1, 1861, Herzen highlights the slogan "into the people!", Which has become a call for patriotic youth for a decade to participate in the liberation movement.

Socialism of Herzen people and at the same time individualistic - so assesses the views of Herzen Berdyaev. His faith in the peasant community is largely due to the fact that the Russian man, even in a forty state, is more personality than the western bourgeois, since it combines a personal beginning with communities. True, he does not make distinction between a person and individual, between man and a citizen. However, it feels well and conveys the danger of the mesh, a triumphant and threateningly educated minority. The first Russian West survived a deep disappointment in Western Mesh, and this bowed him to sympathy anarchism, not democracy.

"The state and personality, power and freedom, communism and selfishness (in the broad sense of the word) - here are the Hercules of the pillars of the Great Wrestling, the Great Revolutionary Epopea," wrote Herzen during the period of ideological searches for promising forms of the organization of the human hostel. He came to the conclusion that only two - monarchy and the republic can be allocated to such forms. At the same time, we are not talking about the forms of government, but it is about the forms of the organization of a hostel, in which the case of the people (Republic) is indeed ensured, the overall benefit. Therefore, he spent the distinguishing of the political and social republic, considering the genuine republic only social. The monarchy, unlike the republic, requires a sacred and inviolable authority, which is incompatible with the freedom of people and the independence of the mind.

On the general course of discussions on the social opportunities of the community, journalistic performances were provided Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky (1828- 1889), especially his two articles - "Criticism of philosophical prejudices against community ownership" (1858) and "Economic activities and legislation" (1859).

In the first of them, it was concluded that the existence of a primitive community in the conditions of a high stage of civilization, which achieved in the current century, not a hindrance to enter this civilization, because in community possession there are "the highest form of human relations to Earth." Moreover, community ownership provides, wrote Chernyshevsky in another article a year earlier, every farmer possession of land and "much better private ownership strengthens national welfare." Such a possession is able to best ensure success in agriculture, since community property "connects the owner, owner and an employee in one person." All this allows us to conclude about the possibility of accelerated social development using the community.

The article "Economic Activities and Legislation" author provides a contrasting comparison of the intraditary legal situation and government regulation with the help of laws. There is no "intervention of any central and extraneous administration" in the community possession. Here, internal regulation, which can be called reasonable legislation, gives the delicacy and independence of the rights of a private person. It also favors the development of the nature of the nature and qualities necessary for a citizen. It is supported and protected by society itself. Thus, internal regulation is self-sufficiently, it is much more intelligent than in government regulation, since it was produced by generations based on legal customs or agreement.

Ownership in the West is almost exclusively granted to a separate person and is fencing strong and strictly observed guarantees. "Legal independence and inviolability of a separate person is consecrated everywhere and laws and customs." And nevertheless, the support for the laws and legality, as well as a unilateral desire, has its own ineffents. This equally refers to legitimate and usually legal provision of "exceptional personal rights", property rights in the first place. These miscarriages began to detect themselves as soon as the ideal "approached the exercise with the oblivion of the other, no less important conditions for human happiness, which seemed incompatible with its limitless application to the case." This refers to the final result of "limitless rivalry" of owners in agriculture and industry; It ultimately "gave the weak sacrifice strong, work for the victim of capital."

Exit from such a position is one - in providing the union and fraternity between people. People must connect to societies that have a common interest, together to use the forces of nature and the means of science. In agriculture, the fraternity should be expressed in the transition of land into community use, and in industry - in the transition of factory and factory enterprises to the community-ownership of the company of all working in this factory or at this factory.

After the first steps to implement the Peasant reform, Chernyshevsky comes to the conclusion about the inability of an autocably-bureaucratic organization for reform and begins to navigate the peasant revolution. In proclamations to peasants, he has a wide range of proposals and recommendations regarding the necessary changes in the device of society and the state: the peasant community-free, local representative office and self-government, independent and righteous judgment, restriction of royal self-leveling , Management based on laws.

Unlike Herzen Chernyshevsky - a convinced democrat. He comes on this issue into a dispute with Chicherin, who claimed that "democracy looks like absolutism in the respect, which loves the bureaucracy and centralization." Chernyshevsky objected to this and believed that democracy in its nature is the opposite of the bureaucracy. For example, the administration in democracy should be subordinate to the residents of the district whose deeds it is engaged, and this is due to the fact that every village and the city, each region, independent in their affairs; Likewise, every citizen must be independent in matters relating to one.

Chernyshevsky authority in the liberation movement of the early 60s. He was very high, and the government established secret supervision after him. In 1862, after the suspension of the magazine "Sovrevnik" Chernyshevsky sharpe in a single chamber of the Peter and Paul Fortress. Here he writes the novel "What to do?", Which with its ideological content had a great influence on several generations of revolutionary youth, who was trying in practice to embody the principles of a reasonable human dormitories. Especially attractive in the novel was an element of asceticism in the name of a common cause, which was characteristic of the subsequent revolutionary intelligentsia.

In the absence of direct street, Chernyshevsky was found guilty "In taking action to the overthrowing of the existing management order," convicted for seven years the cautious and eternal settlement in Siberia. His essays were banned in Russia to the first Russian, revolution.

"Further development of socialist ideas in Russia is associated with the name of A. I. Herzen. He and his friend N.

P. Ogarev still the boys gave an oath to fight for the best future of the Paroda. For participation in the student circle and singing songs with "vile and malicious" expressions in the address of the king, they were arrested and poisoned into the link. In the 30-40s A.

I. Herzen was engaged in literary activities. His works contained the idea of \u200b\u200bthe struggle for the freedom of personality, protest against violence and arbitrariness. Realizing that in Russia it is impossible to enjoy the freedom of speech, A. I. Herzen in 1847 left abroad.

In London, he founded the "free Russian printing house" (1853), released 8 books of the collection "Polar Star", on the title of which put a thumbnail from 5 executed Decembrists from profiles, organized together with N.

P. Ogarev edition of the first unemployment newspaper "Bell" (1857-1867 IT.). The subsequent generations of revolutionaries saw a huge merit of A. I. Herzen in creating a free Russian press abroad. " In the youth of A.

I. Herzen shared many ideas of Westerners, recognized the unity of the historical development of Russia and Western Europe.

However, a close acquaintance with European orders, disappointment in the results of revolutions 1848-1849. convinced him that the historical experience of the West does not fit the Russian people. In this regard, he started looking for a fundamentally new, just social device and created the theory of community socialism. The ideal of social development A. I. Herzen saw in socialism, in which there will be no private property and operation. In his opinion, the Russian peasant is deprived of private-operated instincts, accustomed to public ownership of land and its periodic redistribution.

In the peasant community, A. I. Herzen saw the finished cell of the socialist building. Therefore, he concluded that the Russian peasant is quite ready for socialism and that there is no social foundation in Russia for the development of capitalism. The question of the ways of the transition to socialism was solved by A. I.

Herger contradictory. In some works, he wrote about the possibility of the People's Revolution, in others - condemned the violent methods for changing the state system. The theory of community socialism developed by A. I. Herzenom, largely served as ideological foundation of the activities of radicals of the 60s and revolutionary populists of the 70s of the XIX century. Summing up the social movements of the 30-50s.

XIX century We made the following conclusions: - The whole set of views of Slavophilov shows that Russian problems had priority for them, but, estimating the situation of Russia in the community of other civilizations, they could not not pay attention to the Slavic question. Slavophiles considered Russia the center of the Slavic world. Senior Slavophiles advocated the national liberation of Slavic peoples.

There was no exception to Poland. - Unlike OT Slavophiles, Westerners did not oppose the historical ways of the development of Russia and the West.

They defended general patterns in the fate of all European peoples. Westerners focused on the European model of the state, believed that the European influence was beneficial for Russia, parliamentarism was positively assessed, considering it a good example to reform the Russian autocracy.

They defended the basic values \u200b\u200bof the liberal society: freedom of speech and press, individual independence, fair civil proceedings. Like Slavophiles, they advocated the abolition of serfdom and the creation of civil society in Russia. - Petrashevtsi one of the first in Russia showed a deep interest in economic theories. They defended the bourgeois-democratic thesis that public administration should be business and to celebrate the economic interests of the parody. As Petrashevtsy, citizens, paying taxes, provide themselves with the necessary level of freedom and security; If the government does not provide this, then it is "dear selling bad goods", and the people have the right to replace it. - In the 30-50s.

liberation ideas were deeply penetrated not only in the educated layers of Russian society. The notable phenomenon was the spread of folk utopia written in the peasant environment. As a rule, the authors passed an extraordinary life path, and their philosophy was developed as a result of special circumstances that made them break with patriarchal peasant life.

The creation of Herzen's theory of Russian socialism. The main provisions of the theory of "Russian Socialism" A.I. Herzena. Personality capable of fraternity

A.I. Herzen and the theory of community socialism.

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